India is set to become the most populous country in the world. Given strong links between developmental and demographic structures around the world, the population curse of the past has turned on its head to become a virtue for India. This scenario can be celebrated only when millions of children and young population receive modern education and associated technical skills which are in demand all across the world.No wonder, that all states of India have begun to address issues of low enrolments and high dropout rates, especially for girl students. A recent strategy is the establishment of many ‘Model High Schools’ in Muslim neighbourhoods which has increased enrollments and continuation substantially. Such policies are examples of the ‘best practices’ of states. Yet it is the view of the authors that the educational outcomes of students from these schools are unsatisfactory to the extent that “a whole generation of students” are trapped in a low-quality schooling cycle system and barely equipped to compete in open labour markets.Both the Union and state governments are investing in a system which targets a particular community group, or geographic area often based on social and geographic identities. This is akin to the ‘separate but equal’ logic transformed into ‘equal but separate’ public policy. The quota – reservations, structure of budgetary allocations and associated legal provisions – are all in this logical direction. For example, budgetary allocations and investments are underway in the creation of separate institutions and long-lasting bureaucratic institutions to ‘target’ the development of clearly identified marginalised and systemically excluded groups. Although these processes are not under any fixed legally backed quota system; rather, they are budgetary affirmative actions which can be manipulated at the whim and fancy of politicians and even bureaucrats at levels of implementation.While investments to construct and augment infrastructure appear virtuous policies, over three-quarters of teaching is done by untrained guest teachers. They are paid a meagre monthly salary, about 20% of what a trained teacher gets as monthly proceeds paid by the state government. At the institutional level, little if any effort is made to integrate such targeted groups of students into mainstream education and labour market systems. The essential as well as necessary requirement must be to make mainstream programmes and policies amenable, simple, open to all, and socially sensitive to ensure diversity in schools, colleges, universities and public and private labour markets.The quality of education in exclusive school systems is low, and the outcome is rather unsatisfactory. It is of utmost importance to undertake a study on how to improve the quality of teachers and of teaching, which must get reflected in the percentage of students passing the school-leaving examinations. Students at these high schools must also be provided with additional coaching and tuition, both through classrooms and online teaching by private tutors who are well-trained in pedagogy and subjects. The authors are of the view that across India, education policies must incentivise the Muslim and other marginalised communities to study in regular public and publicly-funded schools and colleges. This strategy also ensures inter-religious co-education which is essential to democratic and secular nation-building. Segregated schooling must be fought tooth and nail.It is also noteworthy that no socio-religious community (SRC) data are published and shared at the level of colleges and universities nor are data on the implementation of annual quota reservations presented for open debates and deliberations. Diversity data publication is an internationally mandated policy in countries such as the US and the UK. It is common knowledge that diversity data is shared through institutional websites at the level of institutions such as high schools, colleges, universities, public bodies and the private corporate sector. It is high time to establish ‘equal opportunity commissions’ in every state and publish diversity – and quota – related data in education and employment. India must put in place legal, legislative and bureaucratic frameworks in this regard.File photo of daily wage labourers waiting for work. Photo: Intifada P. Basheer and Azam AbbasData analysis and social policy A methodology must be developed to understand the structure of social and economic deprivation. It is our view that the Mandal Commission framework for identifying social backwardness, with appropriate redefinitions, can be meaningfully used to arrive at the validity of the 10% EWS quota. This approach can also identify the lower strata groups amongst Muslims and Christians and lead to a viable framework for imparting quality education.A composite index measuring levels of deprivation or backwardness of social groups as is currently identified in data can be efficiently computed. Surveys such as the National Sample Survey Office (NSSO), the National Family Health Survey, and the District Level Household Survey are reliable data sources to undertake such estimates. This empirical, methodological, and analytical exercise can be replicated to understand the depth and size of inter-community deprivations at the state level, even at the district level. For instance, such analytics have been computed for the state of Telangana.It is essential that the implementation, modification, and reform of India’s quota-reservation system be based on solid data on social identities. Although such identities are currently dependent on official certification, it is our view that India must invest in creating a social stratification and economic profiling of population groups as they are currently identified. In this regard, we provide two methodological frameworks for estimating and identifying such groups.Self-identified reporting of social identities in existing dataThe NSSO undertakes representative sample surveys at regular intervals. In these surveys, data are self-reported. The estimates from these surveys are scientifically robust and amenable for national- and state-level understanding of social structure.Table 1 presents data extracts from NSSO surveys in 2004-2005 and 2019-2020. Note that the Hindus with 80% and Muslims with about 15% of the population have 95% population weight in these numbers. These data suggest that while there is a marginal increase in Hindus reporting as OBCs in this 15 years period, such increase amongst Muslims is 19% higher. This is entirely due to the politics of the current quota system, where some marginalised groups amongst Muslims (especially in UP and Bihar) are classified as OBCs. The percentage of Muslims reporting as general category declined from 60% in 2004–2005 to just over 40% in 2019–2020. It is also essential to note that the percentage of Muslims reporting themselves as SC or ST has not increased. This is entirely due to the systemic official obstacle to non-Hindus, especially Muslims and Christians, reporting this identity during surveys.Table 1: Self-Reported Social Identities Compatible to Respective Quota-Reservations in Higher Education and Public Employment, 2004–2005 and 2019–2020.STsSCsOBCsOthersReligion/2004–2019–2004–2019–20042019–2004–2019–Caste20052020200520202005202020052020Hindus9.19.122.222.742.843.726.024.5Muslims0.51.20.81.839.256.559.540.5Christians32.841.19.013.824.822.733.322.3Sikhs0.90.430.740.222.417.546.141.8Jains2.61.50.02.33.015.494.380.8Buddhists7.46.989.590.90.41.22.71.0Zoroastrians15.92.50.04.513.743.070.450.0Others82.568.62.64.56.26.18.720.8Total8.58.919.720.641.143.830.826.7Source: Estimates by Abusaleh Shariff and Amit Sharma using Periodic Labour Force Survey 2019– 2020.Inter-community differentials: An example of computation of backwardnessThe findings of the inter-community differential exercise carried out by one of the authors for the state of Telangana show that Muslims have a relatively higher deprivation level for most indicators. Overall, the OBC Muslims (who are 75.5% of all Muslims of Telangana) have the second highest level of deprivation, next only to the Hindu SCs/STs of Telangana. For example, while the deprivation levels amongst the SCs/STs are as high as 83% of the maximum possible score, the OBC Muslims have registered the next highest level of deprivation of 69% (Table 2).Table 2: Index of Backwardness, Socio-Religious Communities, Telangana (2016)Overall Deprivation Level*SRCGroup Consensus/ Delphi MethodQuintile MethodGroup Value Divided by the Mean MethodFinal Index Scores Average (of cols.2–4)1 2 345SCs/STs Hindus 83.084.181.382.8OBC Muslims 68.270.569.669.4OBC Hindus 54.551.145.050.2Muslim Others 43.340.953.545.9All Others 20.519.321.720.5Note: *Normalized score on the scale of 0-100 using UNDP methodology (0 indicating no deprivation and 100 indicating maximum level of deprivation).Note that the index ranges between 0 and 100 and that even the ‘all others’, constituting upper-caste Hindus, are deprived to the extent of about 20%. But in the relative deprivation context, the most deprived are the SCs/STs followed by OBC Muslims [comprising 14 communities of Muslims listed in the Backward Classes (BC-E) category of Telangana]. It is also instructive to note that the Muslim Others (of relatively higher castes/classes amongst the Muslims such as the Syeds, Pathans, Mirzas, and Chaush) are slightly better off compared to the OBC Hindus with percentage deprivation of 50% and 46%, respectively. This trend of relative deprivation broadly conforms to the findings of the Sachar Committee brought out in 2006.The above exercise clearly shows that OBC Muslims are deprived more than OBC Hindus and hence need affirmative action for their upliftment. It was held by the honourable courts and by the parliament that the ‘Other Backward Classes’ required reservation in educational institutions and in jobs to be able to fight pernicious discrimination. Data on OBC Hindus show that there has been a significant impact of reservations on the status of OBCs. A similar solution for OBC Muslims ought to close the growing gap between the Muslim and non-Muslim OBC groups.To conclude, a move towards mainstream policy delivery is essential so that all sections of the population get the benefits of a ‘level playing field’. However, without transparent data and assessment of the implementation process and outcome measures, government programmes become opaque. Essential public programmes may even fail or create adverse impacts on equity and equality of opportunity. The Union and state governments and all the relevant public and corporate institutions have so far failed to bring about transparency in data and assessment for charting out course corrections. The future course of India’s social and economic development must be based on empirical, evidenced-based social and economic policy analyses.Status of the Muslim minority in IndiaRecently finance minister Nirmala Sitaraman at the Peterson Institute for International Economics in Washington, US stated that minorities in Pakistan are decimated whereas in India Muslim minority is flourishing.She further stated that ‘in India, every strand of Muslim is doing their business, their children are getting educated, fellowships are being given by the government.’Finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman at the parliament on March 24, 2023. Photo: Video screengrabWhat is the ground reality?Sitaraman’s statement is only a half-truth. In the previous sections, we have noted that Muslim deprivation is more compared to other socio-religious groups. The Prime Minister’s Office during 2005-06 itself through Sachar Committee (2006) has very well documented the multi-dimensional deprivation of Muslims in India.Even the United Nations in a 2018 report made the following comments on poverty reduction in India: “India has made tremendous progress in pulling its people out of poverty. Over a 10-year period between 2005-06 and 2015-16, 271 million people improved and the poverty rate nearly became half falling from 55% to 28%. But still there is huge discrepancy between the states. While Kerala has performed consistently well, others like Bihar have struggled to better their lot. The report took a holistic view of poverty, factoring in education, health and standard of living that should be part of the poverty index.”The four poorest states – Bihar, Jharkhand, UP and MP are still home to 196 million people or over half of the multi-dimensional poverty index (MPI) poor of India. There is a huge variation between castes and religions in MPI. While 50% of the STs are MPI-poor, only 15% of the upper castes are so. By religious group, every third Muslim is poor compared to every 6th Christian. Among the social groups, Muslims and the STs still have the highest rates of poverty, though it has been reduced most over the past 10 years.In 2018, the International Labour Organisation (ILO)’s India Wage Report which looked at data from 2004-05 to 2011-12 was released. As per this report, even though the wages of all categories of workers have increased, disparity across the social groups persisted. It called for strengthening inclusive strategies to provide equal opportunities for access to education, employment and skill development for disadvantaged social groups.It is common knowledge that during the last six-seven years, Muslims as a whole are humiliated, harassed and even psychologically tortured openly not only through political discourses but also through public policy manoeuvring often with the backing of legal structures. Such discriminatory approaches are forcing Muslims to get away from public places such as schools, colleges and public employment.Economically Muslims are pushed to the brink through massive violent schemes of radical Hindus, by boycotts and denial of spaces to do business, establish shops and workshops. Even petty traders such as vegetable and fruit vendors, bangle sellers and so on are scared away from mainstream markets and boycotts. It is instructive to note while the beef ban laws are hurting Muslims to undertake trade and even consume it, India has become the largest beef exporter in the world. Even the small cattle traders, if Muslim, are arrested and often killed only to ensure that such trade is now done openly by the Hindus.A recent study on the effects on work participation during COVID-19 by professor Amitabh Kundu, a noted economist of India, has clearly documented that the discrimination against Muslims in the urban labour market was as high as 60%. Because of being Muslim, they were denied employment.Is the destruction and pauperisation of Muslims going to help India to prosper more? The answer is an emphatic no. In fact, if one section of the population is left behind, it will drag down the economic growth of the nation.What is the cost to the Indian economy of Muslim marginalisation?Direct costs are as follows: It will lead to loss of ‘value added’ to the state and national GDP as Muslims have a relatively higher share of youth workers relative to the national average and also they have a relatively higher ‘value added’, controlling for other factors such as education. Muslim marginalisation will affect GDP by about 2% as compounding effects of the above factors. This direct cost is significant and retards the $5 trillion economy dream.Indirect costs are as follows: State and national inter-religious disturbances will not only affect 120 million strong Muslim labour force but also over 250 million non-Muslim labour force in the form of a breakdown of inter-community labour relationships. In all, it would impact about 40% of the Indian labour force. Further, the state and national expenditures on maintaining social peace and harmony will be large.What is the way forward?Four catalytic programmes and sectors are identified, in which data on Muslims must be generated and monitored. These are education, employment, development credit and electoral participation. In the following, we present a case study of education.Education: 91% of all Muslim children study in mainstream government (about 70%) and private educational institutions (about 30%). Only about 3% attend madrasas and 6.1% attend minority educational institutions across India.Given such supply of the educational structure and infrastructure, Muslims must focus on as to how to improve enrollment, continuation and quality of education in government-provided schools and colleges, including mainstream universities. It is futile and a waste of resources to focus on madrasas and creating minority educational institutions, as two-thirds of Muslim children attend government schools in North, Central and Eastern India. Care should be taken that no child is left behind from going to school.Further demand for establishing equal opportunity offices in each state must be a priority for Muslims and other oppressed minorities in India.To conclude the discussion, we want to aver that ‘equal but separate’ is not a good policy for Muslims and India. At the same time, efforts must be taken to ensure quality improvement of Muslim-dominated schools and areas for the overall prosperity of India.
