New Delhi: A senior leader of one of Iran’s main armed Kurdish opposition groups said his organisation already has forces positioned inside Iranian Kurdistan and is preparing for “any scenario”, even as US President Donald Trump has sent mixed signals about mobilising Kurdish fighters against Tehran before appearing to step back from the idea amid Turkish opposition.Fuad Beritan, a member of the leadership council of the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK), told The Wire in a written interview from an undisclosed location that Kurdish organisations were less focused on the military dimensions of the conflict than on securing guarantees for Kurdish rights in any future political transformation in Iran.“The real question is whether entering a war would bring us closer to that goal,” he said. “Rather than focusing on military conditions, we are seeking guarantees for our political existence and the realisation of our political objectives.”The question of whether Kurdish armed groups could play a role in the conflict has drawn renewed attention after reports that the Trump administration had explored encouraging Kurdish fighters to open pressure on Tehran from inside Iran’s western regions. According to the Washington Post, Trump offered “extensive US air cover” to anti-regime Kurdish groups to help them seize territory in western Iran, urging them to choose sides “either with America and Israel or with Iran”. Within days, however, he appeared to step back, saying the conflict was already “complicated enough” and ruling out Kurdish involvement after objections from Turkey and leaders of the autonomous Kurdish region in northern Iraq.The Kurds, an ethnic group of between 25 million and 40 million people spread across Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran, have long sought greater political rights and autonomy across the region but have no state of their own.PJAK, founded in 2004 and closely linked to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, operates from the Qandil mountains along the Iran-Iraq border and has fought intermittent clashes with Iranian forces for years.The US-Israeli bombing campaign against Iran began on February 28, less than a week after five Iranian Kurdish opposition parties, including PJAK, announced the Coalition of Political Forces of Iranian Kurdistan, with the stated aim of toppling the Islamic Republic and establishing Kurdish self-determination.Despite speculation about Kurdish involvement in the conflict, the coalition has not launched a coordinated ground offensive. Iranian forces have nonetheless carried out missile and drone strikes against Kurdish opposition bases in northern Iraq, targeting facilities linked to groups such as the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan.Tehran has also dismissed the Kurdish organisations as foreign-backed proxies. Speaking in New Delhi on the sidelines of the Raisina Dialogue earlier this month, Iranian deputy foreign minister Saeed Khatibzadeh described them as “separatists who have been nurtured by the CIA and Mossad”, adding: “We are born to fight separatism.”Turkey’s position further complicates the question of Kurdish mobilisation. Ankara considers PJAK an extension of the PKK, the Kurdish militant group that has fought a decades-long insurgency against the Turkish state, and has pressured the Kurdish regional government in Iraq to prevent Iranian Kurdish fighters from using its territory to cross into Iran.Beritan sought to downplay tensions with Turkey, saying PJAK’s struggle was directed against the Iranian government rather than Ankara.“Our struggle is not against Turkey but against repression and suffocation in Iran,” he said. “Turkey should view this not as a threat but as an opportunity.”While he stressed that the group was not seeking to initiate a war, Beritan said PJAK was preparing for different outcomes if political upheaval in Iran once again sidelines Kurdish rights.“We are prepared to face any scenario in which, during a fundamental transformation in Iran, Kurdish rights might once again be denied,” he said. “If war is imposed on us, we will defend ourselves with all our strength.”He stated that PJAK already maintains a significant presence inside Iranian Kurdistan and would not necessarily need to move forces across the border if the situation escalates.“A large portion of our forces have been stationed deep inside Iranian Kurdistan for many years,” he said.At the same time, Beritan suggested Kurdish movements remain cautious about relying on outside powers, pointing to past experiences in which international backing proved uncertain.“We have no illusions about any power in the world,” he said. “Naturally, every country pursues its own projects and interests. We Kurds also pursue our own struggle and the freedom of our people.”Here is the full interview, edited for clarity.Trump has first said he would support action by Iran’s Kurds, and reports indicated that his administration is considering arming Kurdish groups. Had the United States contacted PJAK directly? If so, what has been your response?We are in contact with many actors, and the reason for that is clear. PJAK is an independent and powerful political, social and military force that has significant political and field weight inside Iranian Kurdistan. It also has considerable influence among Kurds and among democracy-seeking forces across Iran. Within this framework, like any other political actor, we pursue our own diplomatic activities. Dialogue and communication with the United States is a natural matter, and we see no obstacle to such contacts and discussions.Israel has had contacts with Iranian Kurdish groups for decades. Has Israel been in contact with PJAK? What has it asked for or offered?We do not have precise information indicating that Israel has had contacts with the Kurds of Iran. At present, we do not have direct communication with Israel. However, as a political principle, dialogue with Israel is not unusual. Israel is an important actor in the region and influences regional politics as well as policies concerning Iran. There are very few actors or governments in the region that do not have some form of dialogue or relationship with Israel. Therefore, merely having contact with Israel cannot be considered illegitimate either for the Kurds or for PJAK.In this picture taken December 18, 2009, a member of PJAK trains on a weapon at their camp in the Qandil mountains in northern Iraq. Photo: AP/Yahya Ahmed.The Kurdistan Freedom Party (PAK) said two days ago that not a single peshmerga had been moved. What is PJAK’s position? Are your forces planning to cross the border?The field activities of other parties are matters that concern them. What concerns PJAK is this: a large portion of our forces have been stationed deep inside Iranian Kurdistan for many years. In this sense, we are a force that throughout these years has maintained organisation and a broad presence across different areas of Iranian Kurdistan. Therefore, our presence is fundamentally inside Iranian Kurdistan – both in political and social capacities and in defensive capacities.It has been reported that US and Israeli strikes have targeted Iranian military and intelligence facilities in the Kurdish northwest of Iran. What have you seen on the ground in ‘Rojhelat’ (Iranian Kurdistan)?Because of the internet shutdown in Iran, news about the bombings has not circulated widely. Nevertheless, through new technologies, information and images still emerge. According to our monitoring, the bombing of the regime’s security, intelligence and military-police centres in the cities of Iranian Kurdistan has been extensive.Currently, barracks, bases and even buildings belonging to government institutions in cities have been evacuated. Regime military and police forces have taken shelter in mosques, schools and sports halls, creating an atmosphere of fear and intimidation. A chaotic situation has developed for these regime forces, particularly as the winter cold is extremely harsh.People are deeply dissatisfied with the situation. At the same time, inflation and rising prices have intensified, and people’s livelihoods have become severely strained. Regime centres in Iranian Kurdistan have been among the primary targets of US and Israeli attacks, and many of them have already been completely destroyed.In response, Iran has targeted bases of Kurdish opposition groups in northern Iraq, including a ballistic missile strike on a PAK facility. Have your bases been targeted as well? Have you suffered casualties?First, PJAK’s bases are located in rugged mountainous areas and not inside cities; therefore they are not easily within range. More importantly, the main bases of our forces are located in various areas inside Iranian Kurdistan, and this has been the case for years.We condemn the attacks carried out against other parties. However, in recent days our party has not been targeted, largely because such attacks would essentially be futile. Our bases are located deep in the mountains, hidden and built beneath the mountains themselves, making them difficult to strike.Furthermore, the Iranian government fears provoking our forces. In previous conflicts, including the Qandil war in 2011, our military capability and strength were already demonstrated to them.Your coalition partners have said they will not act without a no-fly zone and the destruction of the regime’s weapons stockpiles. Do you have the same conditions? Have you formally conveyed these conditions to Washington?The main issue is not whether the Kurds will start a war. The more important question is what guarantees the international community and Iranian political forces can offer for the political survival of the Kurds in a future free Iran.Ultimately, we are seeking a democratic policy. We are seeking recognition of the fundamental and collective rights of the Kurds and the establishment of a decentralised system in a free and democratic Iran.The real question is whether entering a war would bring us closer to that goal. Therefore, rather than focusing on military conditions, we are seeking guarantees for our political existence and the realisation of our political objectives. This is the right of our people in Kurdistan and throughout Iran.Of course, any support or assistance – including the establishment of a no-fly zone – would be positive. Ultimately, the essential point is to establish a democratic system with the minimum possible human cost. International support can help reduce that cost. What forms of assistance may be necessary is a matter that can be discussed with different parties.PJAK has been on the US treasury department’s terrorism list since 2009 because of its links to the PKK. Has Washington suggested that this label could be lifted if you joined the fight? How do you cooperate with a government that officially designates you as a terrorist entity?The information in your question is not accurate. There is no such thing as a “terrorism list of the US Treasury Department”. In the United States there are two lists: the list of foreign terrorist organisations (FTOs) and the sanctions list of the US treasury.PJAK is not on the US list of FTOs. In 2009 our name was placed on the second list – the treasury sanctions list – and we have challenged that decision through legal means. Therefore, our party is not on the US terrorist list.We have never been a threat to the United States or to any other state. On the contrary, like any legitimate political force, we have always sought diplomacy, dialogue and relations with Western and regional governments.The struggle against the Islamic Republic is not only legitimate but also humane and peace-oriented. Are the United States and Israel not currently confronting the Islamic Republic themselves?PJAK seeks a democratic resolution to the Kurdish question. However, it is obvious that the Islamic Republic is not a force that recognises political and legal activity. Under such a government, people cannot remain without mechanisms of self-defence; otherwise they would be massacred.We will not remain passive when it comes to defending our people. Legitimate self-defence is a universal right, particularly in the face of forces with a terrorist nature – such as the government of Iran.Masked men display flags of the outlawed rebel group PKK, as Turkish Kurds celebrate the Nowruz in Istanbul on March 21, 2010. Photo: AP/Ibrahim Usta.The Kurdistan Regional Government and Baghdad have both said they will not allow groups to use Iraqi territory to cross into Iran. Reuters reported that Turkey’s intelligence service informed the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps about an attempted PJAK crossing, a claim you denied. What happened, and how does Turkey’s opposition affect your calculations?Our struggle is not against Turkey but against repression and suffocation in Iran. We are a party of Iranian Kurdistan, and most of our forces are already stationed deep inside Iranian Kurdistan.In Turkey, discussions are underway to end the war and begin a legal and political process. We view this process positively. Kurds in Iran also have the right to obtain their human rights.For liberation, freedom and the realisation of our rights, we are not waiting for anyone’s approval or permission. No force should view our democratic activities as a threat.At the same time, we have always been ready for dialogue with various actors – whether Turkey or the forces of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.We are not the ones who have destabilised the region. The Islamic Republic has repeatedly bombed civilian sites and areas linked to US forces in the Kurdistan Region.In the face of such a repressive government, what should people do? People seeking freedom are not the source of instability. Rather, it is repressive and undemocratic governments that create insecurity and war.In this regard, it is the Islamic Republic that has destabilised the Kurdistan Region and has become a threat to regional and global peace and security. We are not part of the problem; we are part of the solution.If PJAK launches military action, Turkey will likely react. Given your links with the PKK, is there not a risk that Ankara could become further involved and make your position untenable?We maintain good relations with Kurdish parties across all four parts of Kurdistan. In the future, if Iran becomes free and transformed, PJAK – like any other party – will fully pursue political struggle among its own people.A democratic resolution of the Kurdish question in Iran would benefit Turkey and other countries in the region. Kurds are a people of dialogue and cooperation, and they have demonstrated their commitment to peace in the Middle East.Hostility and military solutions against the Kurds – whether from Iran, Turkey or any other country – have reached the end of their historical usefulness. The regional situation has changed, and the spirit of the times has changed.Many forces would prefer that Kurds and the Turkish state never reach peace, and Turkey is aware of this reality. Our activities are political activities inside Iran. Turkey should view this not as a threat but as an opportunity.A democratic Iran in which Kurds achieve their rights would not constitute a threat to Turkey.At the moment there is no visible uprising inside Iran. Bafel Talabani of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan has said regime change does not seem imminent and that “perhaps it is not right for the Kurds to be the tip of the spear”. Would acting too early give Tehran an excuse for a harsher crackdown on Iranian Kurds?Under current conditions, the Iranian government fears an uprising by the Kurdish people and actions by Kurdish parties. This fear stems from the oppressive nature of the Iranian state itself.Kurds and the people of Iran have not stopped struggling even for a single day. Struggle takes many forms and is not one-dimensional.Only a few weeks ago we witnessed revolutionary protests by people in Kurdish cities and across other parts of Iran. Popular resistance continues with determination.People feel the possibility of freedom more than ever before. Struggling for freedom is not a crime – suppressing such struggle is a crime.The people of Kurdistan and of Iran will not rest until they achieve freedom. The coming weeks and months will be very decisive in this regard.Kurds make up around 10% of Iran’s population. Even among Iranians who oppose the regime there is significant resistance to anything resembling ethnic separatism. Does mobilising now risk alienating the Persian and Azeri opposition you may need?There has never been an ethnic census in Iran. Therefore the premise of your question – that Kurds constitute 10% of Iran’s population – may not be accurate.Beyond that, accusations such as separatism are often products of government propaganda. We are not separatists; on the contrary, we are among the forces that have struggled most consistently for democracy and freedom in Iran.The future of Iran belongs to freedom-seekers and advocates of democracy. It belongs to women and to those who have been marginalised. The “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement emerged from the heart of the struggles in Kurdistan and spread throughout Iran. The spirit of this movement and its deep political and social impact remain alive and dynamic.We are not separatists. Nor will we allow any power to use accusations of separatism as a pretext to suppress and exploit our people or other communities in Iran. Our political project is a democratic Iranian republic that is decentralised and based on women’s freedom and ecological principles.This project is supported by many people across Iran. Naturally, any force that opposes equality, freedom, democracy and the recognition of Kurdish rights is the one that ultimately fuels division. We seek strategic unity with Azeris, Arabs, Baluch, Persians, and all the diverse communities of Iran. We extend a hand of friendship and cooperation to all of them.If you say you are preparing for all contingencies, what does that mean on the ground? If it means arming and moving forces, will ordinary Iranians not see that as hostile – especially when Trump has publicly urged Kurds to rise up and reports circulate of US and Israeli efforts to mobilise Kurdish groups? Does this not risk reinforcing suspicions about your intentions at precisely the moment you need broader sympathy inside Iran?We are prepared to face any scenario in which, during a fundamental transformation in Iran, Kurdish rights might once again be denied. If war is imposed on us, we will defend ourselves with all our strength.In the near future of Iran, the only viable path is the restoration of the democratic rights of the Kurds; otherwise our struggle will continue. Up to this point, we have not entered into war, and therefore no government or force has the right to accuse us of doing so. If in the future – whether near or distant – you see us engaged in war, you should know that it was imposed upon us.What Kurds need today are democratic laws, not war. The war that currently exists has been initiated by others, but that does not mean PJAK will remain passive. Our task is to organise people to achieve their democratic rights.Solidarity among the peoples of Iran has already taken shape over many years, and uprisings have occurred in waves across the country, with the protests of last January being a clear example.About 40% of Iran’s Kurds are Shia. Is this a broad Kurdish mobilisation or mainly a Sunni one?Over the past century, Kurdish struggles in Iran have been national and democratic in nature. Our movement recognises not only the diversity of Iranian society but also the diversity within Kurdish society itself, and we seek to protect it.Kurds are diverse in language, religion, belief systems and cultural traditions. We consider this diversity to be a valuable and important asset and strive to safeguard it. Our movement is not a monolithic or one-dimensional movement like certain other movements or governments.Ignoring this diversity would reproduce the same conditions that we are struggling against. Therefore, our movement is a democratic one that protects the cultural, social, political, religious and linguistic richness of Kurdish society and creates a democratic framework in which all these forms of diversity can be preserved.Estimates say the combined fighting strength of all Iranian Kurdish groups based in Iraqi Kurdistan is around 2,500 fighters. How many forces does PJAK specifically have?There are no precise figures regarding the number of Kurdish fighters, and we do not confirm numbers whose sources are unclear. We also do not wish to disclose the exact number of our members.However, we can confidently say that we are a powerful and sizable movement – both socially and politically, as well as in the field.The United States has abandoned Kurdish allies before – after the 1991 Gulf War, after the 2017 independence referendum, in Syria in 2019, and again earlier this year when it stood aside and the Syrian Democratic Forces were pushed back from northeast Syria. Why should this time be different?We have no illusions about any power in the world. Naturally, every country pursues its own projects and interests. We Kurds also pursue our own struggle and the freedom of our people.Politics and diplomacy are never absolute. In this regard, we rely first and foremost on our own inherent strength and the capacities of our people. At the same time, we consider diplomacy and different alliances.The notion that external powers must guarantee our rights stems from a form of self-doubt. Within this framework, we do not see dialogue or even partnership with the United States as contradicting our interests. On the contrary, both our movement and the Kurdish people more broadly have been sources of stability, security, democracy and secularism in the Middle East.Any force that pursues similar goals can find common ground with us for cooperation and convergence.A large part of the Iranian opposition in exile leans monarchist, and the former crown prince also claims leadership. If the United States appears to support a Pahlavi restoration, how could Kurdish groups act at this moment, given that the founder of that dynasty suppressed Iran’s Kurds in the early 20th century?The claim that a large portion of the Iranian opposition in exile is monarchist is unfounded. What is the precise basis for such an assessment? Even monarchists themselves are not unified.The opposition to the Islamic Republic includes many different tendencies, and monarchists are only one of them. You cannot ignore republicans, women’s movements, national groups and many other political currents.Of course, we do not deny that monarchists and other groups have supporters. But under current circumstances, one should be cautious when assessing the political weight of different groups. We do not enter into such rivalries. Our priority is not focusing on this group or that group, or this individual or that individual.We are a modern democratic movement focused on organising and empowering society. What foreign governments may want, and what the people of Iran ultimately decide, are two different things.The people of Iran seek freedom, democracy, equality and a dignified life. They do not want to return to the past; they want to open a new chapter. In any case, the past – whatever judgments we may have about it – has already ended.As Kurds, we seek freedom, equality and democracy within the framework of a decentralised system in Iran. Our movement is ready to engage in dialogue with any political force that accepts these principles. We prefer democratic dialogue and cooperation over division.