I have a simple question. Does the Bharatiya Janata Party and its idealogical fountainhead Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh have the moral right to talk about women’s safety?In recent months ahead of the assembly elections in Bengal, the BJP’s campaign has sought to portray Bengal as uniquely unsafe for women. Amplified by partisan media, social media ecosystems, and coordinated political messaging, tragic incidents have been weaponised to construct a singular narrative: that that alternative political regimes –particularly those aligned with the BJP – offer a safer model for women’s safety in Bengal.This narrative, however, does not withstand scrutiny when confronted with official data.According to the latest reports of the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), India recorded over 4.48 lakh cases of crimes against women in 2023. This marks a continuation of an alarming national trend that cuts across regions, political affiliations, and administrative models. The largest category of such crimes remains cruelty by husbands or their relatives, followed by kidnapping and abduction, and assault with intent to outrage modesty.What is striking is not merely the scale of these crimes, but their distribution.In absolute numbers, states such as Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh consistently report some of the highest figures. Uttar Pradesh alone recorded over 66,000 cases in 2023, the highest in the country. Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, both governed by the BJP at different points in recent years, have also reported tens of thousands of cases annually.West Bengal, with approximately 34,000 cases, is certainly not free from serious concerns. But to single it out as an exceptional failure is statistically misleading.Of course, criticism against the TMC government in Bengal is also valid, which is that its police is loathe to register cases in many situations, thus leading to the lower numbers. A similar complaint rose during COVID as well, because the Bengal government is obsessed with numbers.A more meaningful comparison lies in crime rates per lakh of women population. Here again, the picture complicates simplistic political narratives. NCRB data from 2022 shows that states such as Haryana, Rajasthan, Odisha, Manipur and Assam reported significantly higher crime rates against women than the national average. Several of these states are, or have been, governed by the BJP. Bengal’s rate, while above the national average, was lower than many of these states.This does not absolve any state government of responsibility. Rather, it underscores a fundamental truth: violence against women in India is a systemic, structural crisis and not a problem confined to one region or one political party.Yet, the political discourse tells a different story.The strategic amplification of crimes in opposition-ruled states, combined with the relative silence on equally or more severe patterns in BJP-ruled states, points to a deeply troubling politicisation of gender violence. Women’s suffering becomes a tool – not for reform or accountability – but for electoral gain.Even more concerning is the record of political representation itself.An analysis by the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) reveals that a significant number of sitting Members of Parliament and Members of Legislative Assemblies across India have declared criminal cases related to crimes against women. Among major parties, the BJP accounts for the highest number of such representatives. This raises uncomfortable but necessary questions: can a political formation credibly claim moral authority on women’s safety while fielding candidates accused of gender-based crimes?The answer cannot be evaded through rhetoric.Public memory offers stark reminders of this contradiction. Cases such as Unnao and Hathras in Uttar Pradesh, the Kathua case in Jammu and Kashmir, and allegations surrounding influential political figures have not only exposed failures of law enforcement but also instances of political shielding and institutional complicity.These are not aberrations and speak to deeper structural failures of policing, of judicial processes, of political accountability, and of social attitudes.Also read: R.G. Kar: Five Lessons From an Urban Power StruggleTo be clear, the intention here is not to engage in competitive victimhood between states. Every instance of violence against a woman – whether in Kolkata, Lucknow, Jaipur, or Guwahati – is a collective failure. The demand must be for better governance, stronger institutions, gender-sensitive policing, and a transformation of societal attitudes.But such a transformation is impossible if we allow data to be selectively deployed for political ends.A responsible public discourse must move beyond propaganda and confront the uncomfortable reality: India’s crisis of violence against women is national in scope and systemic in nature. No political party, no state, and no government can claim exemption.If anything, the misuse of women’s suffering for partisan narratives deepens the crisis. It diverts attention from solutions and erodes the credibility of genuine advocacy.The way forward lies not in constructing convenient villains, but in building accountable systems. Transparent data, independent institutions, and a commitment to justice—these are the foundations of any meaningful response.Until then, the question we must ask is not which state is worse, but why, after decades of policy, law, and political promises, women across India continue to face such pervasive violence.Dr Partha Banerjee is a former RSS, BJP and ABVP activist.