The funds were not released because the US government could not certify that Pakistan had not taken sufficient action against the Haqqani network.
Crowdsourcing support can become a process where new ideas are mined and become part of a policy package for difficult relationships.
In their letter, many individuals and organisations stated that a country with as much poverty as India should not enforce patents on drugs and vaccines the same way industrialised countries have.
With this year’s joint statement reflecting new interests, here is a comparison of key issues from China and the Asia-Pacific, terrorism and Pakistan, to defense, economy and trade.
Narendra Modi’s focus should be on establishing good chemistry with Donald Trump, reassuring the latter that India is a reliable partner democracy for the US.
US executives are increasingly being asked by their CEOs to explain and assess the impact of the apparent rise in communal violence in India.
Extracts from Kallol Bhattacherjee’s ‘The Great Game in Afghanistan: Rajiv Gandhi, General Zia and the Unending War’, documenting the untold tale of US-India relations under Rajiv Gandhi.
The heft of the prime minister’s persona alone or the goodwill he enjoys cannot drive India’s external engagement.
Sulabh International founder and chief Bindeshwar Pathak said this move would further India-US ties.
Announcing the visit from June 25, the external affairs ministry today said the Modi-Trump discussions will provide a new direction for deeper bilateral engagement.
Marshall Bouton said in a new paper on US-India relations that the Trump administration should “expand intelligence sharing and seek ways to defuse tensions (with Pakistan).”
While Indo-US relations will likely remain the same, an indirect in terms of trade, climate change and security should be watched for.
The new US president has also invited the prime minister to visit the White House later this year.
The world is on edge as Donald Trump enters the White House.
Tellis is very well known to the current foreign policy leadership, especially foreign secretary S. Jaishankar, as both were involved in negotiating the civil nuclear agreement.
As the US prepares for Donald Trump to take office, India must be the one to push for greater economic and military collaboration and also lead in areas of common multilateral importance, such as climate change.
While the demise of the TPP may not be bad for India, the country’s investments in Iran could be in trouble if Donald Trump decides to upend the Iran nuclear agreement.
The Indian government knows it cannot pursue military modernisation without access to advanced US weaponry and technology.
A new report outlines six ‘must-do’ tasks to bolster ties, including encouraging India to raise FDI in defence. But geopolitics, counterterrorism and cyber security will need attention too.
Even though India and the US have, for once, landed on the same side in Afghanistan, there is a real danger of getting blindsided by Pakistan.
India has alleged that eight US states illegally support their renewable energy sectors.
If New Delhi chooses not to act as a bridge between Washington and Kabul, it will have to shoulder more responsibilities in Afghanistan on its own, for which it is unprepared.
In the summer of 2003, senior ministers like L.K. Advani and a number of Indian strategic commentators kept up a steady drumbeat calling for the country to send troops to help the Americans. But Vajpayee kept his cool and refused.
This comes after India’s recent entry into the MTCR with questions being raised in the US about the policy governing access to Indian launch services.
The legislative move is not linked with the recent joint India-US statement in which the Obama administration had recognised India as a “Major Defence Partner”.
If the current state of bilateral and multilateral economic relations persists, we might end up in a position where India bolsters American strategic primacy with little to show for in return.
The Wire compares US-India joint statements from 2015 and 2016 to assess the progress made in implementing decisions and highlight changes in priorities.
The grand bargain that has been struck – India and the US speaking the same language in cyber, climate and intellectual property right regimes, in return for tangible benefits to New Delhi – is not sustainable.
From the Indian government’s perspective, the bilateral document is a necessary step to goad the US into fast-tracking requests of “cooperation” from security agencies.
Washington sees its relationship with India as critical, partly to counterbalance China’s rising power.
India and the US have agreed “in principle” on a logistics exchange deal to enable both militaries to use each other’s assets and bases for repair and the replenishment of supplies.
On the eve of his India trip, Ashton Carter talked about the “strategic handshake” between India and the US.
Discussions on Indo-US defence cooperation must be on its merits rather than driven by sentimentalism.
The government appears bent on decisively abandoning the earlier consensus of adherence to public health goals.
The contents of the agreements are very different but in both cases, Washington was driven by concerns about strategic shifts occurring in the wider regions of South Asia and the Middle East
On Monday, July 20, Foreign Secretary S. Jaishankar delivered the IISS Fullerton Lecture in Singapore. Although the topic of the speech was ‘India, the US and China,’ it painted a comprehensive picture of Indian foreign policy the way the Narendra Modi government sees it. The Wire presents edited excerpts of the […]
His lack of strategic vision is aggravating the existing mistrust between India and China, and India and Pakistan. Any further drift could lead to unforeseen consequences.
In order to provide a level-playing field to private companies and encourage foreign arms manufacturers, the government has withdrawn excise and customs duty exemptions enjoyed by defence PSUs.