The only way we can confront him is by rebuilding our democracy into one which protects the likes of Afrazul and Akhlaq.
The physical segregation of Muslims in Gujarat is a part of the larger Hindutva objective to alienate those considered the ‘other’ from mainstream political processes.
A worsening agrarian crisis and rising unemployment has morphed into concrete political anger against the BJP – a matter that the party hasn’t addressed in its election campaign.
Gujarat’s ‘frontier’ districts at its remote margins may be the vanguards of change.
In studying the Sangh parivar for my film, I encountered the disciplined manner in which the December 6, 1992 operation was planned.
The well-planned destruction of the Babri Masjid 25 years ago was a dress rehearsal for further acts of vandalism that are in store. No wonder the assault on witnesses like photographers and smashing of their cameras felt like a ‘blinding of the nation’.
The police standing guard did not move from their place, as if they had been ordered to remain mute spectators.
Misogyny is particularly vicious when combined with majoritarian nationalism.
As the Ayodhya agitation gained ground, non-BJP parties were too busy with their electoral concerns to notice its significance.
Jagan Nath Azad’s poems condemning the demolition of the mosque say that the event tore apart India’s secular culture, one shaped through centuries of assimilation.
Using the best of liberal ethos enshrined in legal protections, the right-wing denies the same values to others.
Gauri was everything that the Sangh loves to hate – a fearless and opinionated single woman, an extremely important voice against Hindutva and someone who wrote extensively against caste.
“On the basis of law, we have decided that Kairana-like incidents won’t happen again,” the Uttar Pradesh chief minister said in Lucknow.
The trials and tribulations of modern India – and especially the present-day – are affecting the debate on ancient India, even on the other side of the ocean.
A fortnightly column reflecting on chapters of India’s political past that are relevant today.
From declaring towns in the state as official pilgrimage sites to his colour drive, the Uttar Pradesh chief minister is going all out in his obvious push for Hindutva.
The man Narendra Modi wants India to accept as its philosophical lodestar did not regard Muslims as “proper Indians”.
It seems Facebook is increasingly becoming a platform for people who wish to divide people, and not for those who ridicule these divisive tactics.
The independent probe, which has been endorsed by various human rights organisations, alleges that the Rajasthan police sought to diminish the enormity of the crime from the outset.
In the Indian subcontinent, when one talks about the triumph of truth over falsehood, the story of Lord Rāma’s war in Lanka and that of Imam Husain in Karbala (Iraq) have always been a part of folklore.
Periyar and his legacy can always be problematised. But a necessary pre-condition for this is that he must not be decontextualised.
Hindutva is a political invention that has re-defined Hinduism for its political purpose, which is to declare India a Hindu rashtra.
Book on Deendayal Upadhyaya published by external affairs ministry says the BJP is the only political alternative in the country, Hindu thought is Bhartiya thought, and only Hindu society can be spiritual.
The tragedy with Banaras Hindu University is the decades-long ideological stagnation of the socio-political atmosphere outside it.
Incidents of religious violence have been on the rise in Uttarakhand since the BJP came to power earlier this year.
“I think my discussion of yoga is threatening to the RSS-linked administration,” Patricia Sauthoff has said in an interview.
Has communal hatred seeped into the Bengali-speaking middle class psyche?
An excerpt from Revolutionary Passions shows that Bhagat Singh – who the Hindu Right tends to project as an antidote to the Congress and Gandhi – not only had close relations with Congress leaders, but was also critical of Hinduism.
Adopting the language of 12th century vachanas, S. Anand has a dialogue with Gauri Lankesh. He tells her how wolves whistle over the stilled lioness.
“I want to salute all those who expose fake news. I wish there were more of them.”
Gauri Lankesh, and others like her, will not be left alone to keep on articulating their dissent. After all, it is the untamed individual voice that is found to be particularly irritating.
Gauri Lankesh’s lawyer B.T. Venkatesh is clear that the killing was a sinister and pre-planned act by Hindu terror units and had nothing to do with all the defamation cases filed against her.
In the past, violent groups were aberrations and perpetrators of riots were brought to justice. That is no longer the case – the present regime draws support from these very groups.
When it comes to Kerala’s most important festival, Hindutva organisations, hyper-identitarian Islamist groups and anti-Left Dalit intellectuals are all working to rob it of its subversive, democratic essence.
The danger of Hindutva politics lies not in creating a ‘Hindu Rashtra’ but in the destruction it will wreak and the lives it will destroy during its dominance and in its aftermath.
It is true, if painful, that the hurt of Kandhamal is felt only by Christians. But the toxicity of this will surely infect and destroy Hindu souls.
Without a doubt, Ansari was the target of the prime minister’s wrath because he is the senior-most Muslim in public life.
Despite economic troubles, a questionable education system and a booming healthcare sector catering fabulously to its minuscule elite, it is religion that is on the tip of every politician’s tongue.
Barely a week after the death of Yash Pal, who worked hard to dispel superstitions and debunk pseudoscience, an article in a business daily advises readers against eating during eclipses.
The choice today is not between authentic and hypocritical politicians. In fact, the only choice is between harmless, risky and dangerous forms of hypocrisy and the JD(U) chief has mastered the first.