The biggest casualty in the whole fiasco has been the sanctity of the voters’ mandate.
As democratic institutions – cabinet, bureaucracy, media, presidency and judiciary – weaken, the Modi establishment is riding high on overconfidence. This is bad news for the Indian polity.
Beyond sedition, the Indian captain is guilty of a much more indefensible crime: weakening the nation’s resolve to demonise Pakistan and dehumanise Pakistanis.
It is unlikely that President Pranab Mukherjee will find himself elected for a second term because he has not endeared himself sufficiently to the ruling establishment.
While Trump has put in place a new culture of disruptive disagreement, institutional constraints and a vigorous media have combined to subject him to the rites of scrutiny and accountability.
The Election Commission is obligated to assure the polity that it does not feel itself intimidated by the authority of the day.
For the first time, the Nehruvian order is facing an existential challenge. It can be met – as it must be – but only by a morally superior politics.
At the moment of his resounding success, Modi has also deepened a fault-line for the Indian state.
The ruling dispensation knows that things have not worked out during its tenure, so they are returning to what they know best – injecting fear into political life.
In a changing India, we seem ready to demand that political arrangements justify themselves in terms larger and nobler than just a will of the ‘leader’ or the ‘demand of the cadres’ or the ‘internal affairs’ of a party.
Whatever be the electoral outcome, one thing appears certain: minorities are not going to turn their back on the idea of a secular India.
After the Obama years, Americans were itching to go back to their roots
For nearly three weeks, the country has been treated to a spectacle of unappetising connections and connivances.