Results of state assembly elections can have extended consequences on the composition of the Rajya Sabha.
For the first time, the Nehruvian order is facing an existential challenge. It can be met – as it must be – but only by a morally superior politics.
Across the country, the BJP has fought elections by giving tickets to rebel Congress leaders rather than its own party cadre.
In a short period of time, Adityanath decimated the political mafia that existed in his area, emerged as a prominent force and polarised the region.
A clear and decisive narrative of Hindutva as an integral component of the larger economic development project is already out there. Various facets of this will soon unfold.
If we assume no major changes in the state elections held in 2018 and 2019 (a strong but unavoidable assumption since we can’t predict the future), the NDA approaches a Rajya Sabha majority only in 2020.
A fortnightly column from The Wire’s public editor.
Rawat fought and won the assembly election from the Doiwala constituency in Dehradun district.
Despite the strong mandate, Modi still faces a struggle to implement reforms to boost growth and jobs.
Why is it only in Irom Sharmila’s case that we are told that hope must be roundly defeated? That we should grow up, get real, get with the times?
The uneven pattern in the party’s electoral fortunes across the seven phases of the election is evidence that ‘Good News’ can indeed help swing an election.
In a liberal democracy that rests on the will of the people, the means to an end is as important as the end itself.
N. Biren Singh, a former Congress minister, becomes the 24th chief minister of Manipur.
Was the impassioned focus on Sharmila’s electoral fate merely to delude ourselves that we are also concerned about Manipur and not just the numerically important ‘mainland states’?
If the BJP is hegemonic today, it is so because its brute power enjoys popular endorsement. Counter-hegemony is the principal political challenge of our times.
Several in the Congress believe Rahul Gandhi made poor choices in UP, for which he needs to take responsibility.
Not only has Muslim representation fallen dramatically, it is a third of what it should be in proportion to population.
The prime minister’s win should bode well for foreign portfolio investment in India.
At the moment of his resounding success, Modi has also deepened a fault-line for the Indian state.
Modi has no clear vision, nor does he have the patience to comprehend complexities. Therefore, the hope that the state is now headed for rapid development is misplaced.
The opposition’s tirade against surgical strikes and demonetisation, along with Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati’s loss of credibility added to Modi’s appeal.
The Muslim community has spent years bearing the brunt of the political ambitions of others.
His victory remarks also clearly show the prime minister setting his sights on the 2019 election and beyond.
People suffered but voting may have been driven less by anger over the damage to immediate economic interests than by their belief that a ‘decisive’ Modi would make them better off in the long run.
The electorate was happy to give a huge majority to criminals and strongmen in the fray but the face of a poet whose eyes were moist and whose nose had a tube inserted inside left them unmoved.
The party, whose vote share has risen dramatically, will elect its legislative leader on Monday.
Party with three MLAs that campaigned on anti-saffron platform will now join hands to bring the BJP back to power.
This ‘moral cleansing’ project of the prime minister has played a big role in enabling him to break through caste barriers to create a larger social coalition.
The party is now all set to become the biggest player in the Rajya Sabha by 2018, but is still some way off from a majority
Meanwhile, the BJP’s incumbent chief minister Laxmikant Parsekar and five of its ministers lost their seats.
If the party’s success in using communal polarisation to build political support becomes the template for governance, the state and country are headed for dark days
Irom Sharmila is a human rights activist, and a renowned one at that. But her personality is not that of a typical politician.
Three potential challengers in UP – Akhilesh Yadav, Rahul Gandhi and Mayawati – proved no match for Narendra Modi’s relentless campaigning.
The results point to the success of BJP’s election “war room” – the first of its kind in the state – led by Harvard-educated public policy expert Rajat Sethi.
In Punjab’s first triangular contest, AAP ate into the traditional Akali vote, while the Congress was given a new lease of life.
With no chief minister candidate announced before the election, it now remains to be seen who will lead the BJP government in Uttarakhand.
The crux of the election is that Narendra Modi’s opponents could not match him in weaving a broader political narrative around development.
More people in the constituency pressed on NOTA than voted for the iconic campaigner against the Armed Forces (Special powers) Act
Chief minister Okram Ibobi Singh won for the fourth time, while his contender, Irom Chanu Sharmila, and other members of her recently launched party, faced tough losses.