As diplomatic tensions between India and Pakistan continue to grow in the aftermath of the chilling terror attack on tourists in Kashmir’s popular tourist site of Pahalgam, little attention has been paid to a crucial aspect of the ghastly incident.In an attempt to capitalise on popular anxieties over land ownership in Jammu and Kashmir after the abrogation of Article 370 and use that to justify its heinous targeting of civilians, the group claiming responsibility for the incident tried to insinuate that the tourists it targeted were ‘settlers’.“More than 85,000 domiciles have been issued to non-locals, creating a pathway for demographic change in Indian-occupied Jammu and Kashmir”, The Resistance Front, believed to be an offshoot of Lashkar-e-Tayyaba, said in a statement to the media, adding: “These non-locals arrive posing as tourists, obtain domiciles, and then begin to act as if they own the land. Consequently, violence will be directed towards those attempting to settle illegally.”How extremists behaveThe charge is absurd but historically, extremist groups have often grown by taking advantage of social and economic concerns to advance their agenda. In Punjab at the height of the violence in the 1980s and 1990s, for instance, Khalistani groups would seek to justify their actions by referring to popular grievances.TRF appears to be doing something similar, although its attack at the beginning of the tourist season in the valley will severely impact the livelihoods of a large section of Kashmiris.The resentment against land alienation has gradually been growing in the Kashmir valley, ever since the Modi government stripped Article 370 of its teeth.In one of the first moves following the reading down of Article 370, the Union government introduced new land laws for the region that ended the exclusive right of locals over the land, and paved the way for investors to purchase non-agricultural land in Jammu and Kashmir for commercial purposes. The criterion that only a “permanent resident” can make land transactions was ended without any consultation and inspite of the united opposition by political parties in J&K against the Modi government’s decision.The year 2020 also saw a new domicile law for the region, making those who have lived in the Union territory for 15 years or studied there for seven years eligible for domicile and land ownership. The Centre claimed that the amendments to domicile policy would benefit marginalised communities and minorities in Kashmir, but failed to bring opposing groups on board who contended the changes could potentially alter the demographic make-up of the region.Even when concerns over a sudden change of government rules and possible demographic change grew, the Centre went ahead to grant over 83,000 domicile certificates to people from other states in the last two years. “Around 3,512,184 domicile certificates have been issued in two years across Jammu and Kashmir. Out of which, 83,742 were granted to individuals from outside the erstwhile State,” the government’s assembly reply on April 9, 2025 to a question raised by opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP) MLA Waheed Parra said.The government’s response signalled a quantum leap from the figures that the Union government had shared with the Rajya Sabha in 2021. In 2019, only 185 non-locals bought land in J&K, while 57 and 127 did so in 2021 and 2022 respectively.Disquiet over the land question has been showing itself much more firmly over the last one year, even among traders and businessmen of Kashmir. Multiple infrastructure projects in which the government can acquire land and initiate public-private partnerships have been announced in J&K. In Pahalgam, a new seven-star hotel, a first in Kashmir has been announced. It is rumoured to be owned by a non-local. Similarly, new development projects in the tourism sector, which has traditionally been steered by Kashmiri locals, are feared to come in the hands of corporates and business houses.The JK Hoteliers Association-led by its president and prominent hotelier Mushtaq Chaya met the prime minister in April, 2025 to request him to extend its lease for Gulmarg’s big hotels. The new Land Grant Rules (2022) threatened the 50-year-lease granted earlier to the association by the government in Gulmarg. The Union government reportedly agreed to extend the lease for the time being, amidst growing anxieties among hoteliers.Earlier this year, widespread protests were seen over illegal construction in Pahalgam and other tourist sites of south Kashmir – that many believe is a direct consequence of new land laws that allows easier access to non-locals to construct new buildings.The keenness among big business houses to hold a piece of land in J&K can be gauged from the fact that by July 2024, the Union territory’s administration was processing as many as 6,909 applications from companies through the government’s single-window system to facilitate easy access.A report mentioned that former Sri Lankan spinner Muttiah Muralitharan’s company, Wellspun group and Dubai’s Emaar group have already been allotted land. A break-up of the spread shows that the Jammu region has invited proposals worth Rs 81594.87 crore that requires 4,935.61 acres of land, while Kashmir has received proposals worth Rs 41,633.09 crore that needs 3,671.98 acres. The Jammu region has fewer applications (1,902) than Kashmir valley but has seen interest from big industrial units. The Kashmir region, on the other hand, has attracted proposals for mostly small and medium enterprises.These are only a few examples to explain the brewing unease in the valley over the land question. The social tensions have only escalated as proponents of Hindutva continue to flash the idea that anyone can own land in the valley, and have rejoiced on social media over the loss of traditional rights of Kashmiri people. More often than not, such claims are made by Hindu right warriors on social media as a mark of Hindutva aggression against Muslims as a whole.Aggression politicsSenior BJP leaders, too, have not missed an opportunity to claim that the freeing up of land in Kashmir has resulted in economic growth of the valley, much of which is believed by a large section of residents to have empowered only the so-called “outsiders”.To add to these fears, the new Waqf (Amendment) Act – which targets Muslim-occupied land across India – applies to Jammu and Kashmir too and has also added to existing anxieties about dispossession.Also read: The Waqf Amendment Promises to Erase Kashmir’s Undocumented Cultural NarrativesWhile the Modi government is already at the receiving end of questions related to intelligence failure and lack of adequate security in Baisaran, it will continue to face criticism over its moves to dilute the land rights of Muslims within the territory of J&K and beyond.The question of government accountability in the aftermath of a terror attack as heinous as the one in Pahalgam needs to also factor in crucial concerns over its unilateral and unpopular decision-making process, because these can easily be exploited by extremist groups for their political gains.The prime minister may have a lot to answer for, not only for alleged intelligence failure and lack of proper security but also for his party and his supporters celebrating the sudden disenfranchisement of Kashmiri people. The abrogation of J&K’s autonomy was frequently used by the Hindu Right to target Muslims and showcase Hindutva aggression.The government has now ensured that it is viewed as an administration on the ball. All of its moves are being diligently reported – a series of diplomatic actions against Pakistan following a prompt meeting of Cabinet Committee on Security, BJP ministers and leaders making statements about the government’s possibly unsparing action against terrorists, an all-party meeting, and Modi’s swift decision to skip Pakistan airspace while returning from his shortened Saudi trip.At the same time, Hindutva ‘warriors’ on the internet have jumped on the opportunity to spread hate rhetoric against Muslims, attack Kashmiri people in different parts, and to call for revenge.Data in the last five years, however, show that terror-related incidents are far from over, in spite of the Modi government’s contrarian claims. In fact, civilian casualties in terrorist attacks have risen in the last two years, pointing towards the seriousness of the social question that often gets engulfed by security-related concerns. Militancy in J&K in the period after the abrogation of Article 370 appears to have acquired a new character, and that may need the government to do much more than merely following an aggressive militaristic route.A version of this piece was first published on The India Cable – a premium newsletter from The Wire & Galileo Ideas – and has been updated and republished here. To subscribe to The India Cable, click here.