At a rally of his Jan Suraaj Party (JSP) in Patna on Friday (April 11), Prashant Kishor invoked a folk adage from the Bhojpuri region – “the priest who performs wedding rituals also performs shraadh [last rites after death].” This punchline may have offered a momentary thrill to opponents of Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar gathered at the Gandhi Maidan.The founder of the fledgling JSP employed the metaphor of marriage and death rituals to illustrate his role in Nitish’s political “resurrection” in 2015 and how, come the 2025 assembly polls, he intends to mark the end of Nitish’s political journey.Kishor alleged that the state machinery had obstructed his supporters from reaching the rally from different parts of Bihar – an accusation that, to some extent, may hold water.But the larger question is: after travelling extensively through Bihar’s farmlands and visiting agricultural settlements, the homes of elderly persons whose children have migrated in search of work, minority populations enduring intensified coercion and bands of restless unemployed youth – has Kishor truly aligned himself with the core issues afflicting the state in the run-up to the elections?Is he positioning himself and his campaign as a credible solution to the widespread disenchantment among the electorate?Kishor brackets the last 25 years of governance in Bihar under the umbrella of the “Lalu-Nitish raj,” a period which, in his view, has cast a pall of gloom and driven the state into darkness.Armed with modern education, over a decade of experience as a political strategist, considerable resources and a well-structured cadre, Kishor presents “empirical” data to support his critique – and also shares a “vision” of how his party would reverse migration trends and unleash employment opportunities if voted to power.A sweeping statementHowever, a closer examination of Kishor’s characterisation of the “25 years of Lalu-Nitish raj” suggests that it is, arguably, a sweeping generalisation.Nitish, in alliance with the BJP, replaced the 15-year-long Lalu Prasad Yadav-Rabri Devi regime and initiated significant changes in Bihar’s socio-economic, political and administrative structures.Along with his party colleagues and BJP allies, Nitish ran a sustained campaign to convince the electorate of his capabilities.Once in power, he pursued a strategy of ‘social engineering’, offering targeted benefits to marginalised communities who had perceived the earlier Yadav-dominated dispensation as monopolising the gains following the Mandal Commission’s report.Also read: Nitish Kumar’s Son ‘Rises’ Behind Dense Cloud of Uncertainty Surrounding Fate of Bihar CMCoupled with governance reforms, Nitish’s tenure saw marked improvements in infrastructure – roads, electricity, healthcare, education – as well as law and order.Particularly during the early years of the Janata Dal (United)-BJP coalition government, before Narendra Modi rose to the national leadership, Nitish worked to ensure justice and welfare for the Muslim community. His administration supported madrasas and minority-run educational institutions, ensured political representation for Muslims, fenced graveyards and pushed back against Hindutva extremism that had sparked violence in BJP-ruled states elsewhere.The period from 2005 to 2013 also witnessed the sharp decline of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), which was reduced to just 22 MLAs in the 2010 assembly elections.Its leader Lalu was convicted by lower courts in multiple cases related to the fodder scam starting in 2013.The electorate clearly turned the page on the Lalu-Rabri era, entrusting Bihar’s future to Nitish’s leadership.Bihar’s nightmareIronically, Bihar’s nightmare began with the rise of Modi and the concurrent surge of radical Hindutva elements within the BJP in the state. As Modi’s regime gained strength through successive electoral victories across India, Bihar’s condition steadily worsened.Except for a brief nine-month interregnum under Jitan Ram Manjhi in 2014-15, Nitish has remained chief minister, whether allied with the BJP or the RJD.In this context, Kishor’s assertion that Bihar has suffered under “25 years of Lalu-Nitish rule” seems to overlook the substantial damage inflicted by the BJP, particularly under Modi.On the surface, Nitish may appear unchanged, but in reality, he has been thoroughly overwhelmed by the neo-BJP, losing the credibility and vision that once propelled him to power in 2005.Nitish’s decline – both in governance and political stature – is stark. His party is down to just 43 MLAs and his erratic behavior has raised serious concerns.Bihar, at present, is mired in despair: development has come to a standstill, law and order has deteriorated and Hindutva zealots are aggressively intimidating Muslims, threatening their rights, lives and livelihoods.In this light, Kishor’s declaration that he would perform the shraadh of Nitish’s political career appears redundant. The BJP has already done so.Nitish’s submissive stances – on Article 370, the Citizenship (Amendment) Act and the National Register of Citizens, and more recently his support for the controversial Waqf (Amendment) Act – have eroded whatever remained of his secular credentials. His party’s parliamentary leaders – Lalan Singh in the Lok Sabha and Sanjay Jha in the Rajya Sabha – now appear to be in competition with BJP hardliners when it comes to antagonising the Muslim community.Also read: Is the Future Brewing Yet Again in Bihar?Kishor’s limitationsWhere, then, is Kishor’s political space in Bihar?The BJP has firmly secured the caste-Hindu vote and is now attempting to woo vulnerable marginalised groups by keeping Nitish in good humor ahead of the elections.The RJD, meanwhile, holds the support of Muslims and Yadavs – its core base. Tejashwi Yadav, Lalu’s son, is making a concerted effort to reclaim the backing of marginalised communities that once stood with the RJD before Nitish’s emergence.Chirag Paswan, son of the late Dalit leader Ram Vilas Paswan, commands significant influence among Paswans, a caste that can swing results in over a dozen constituencies.Kishor bristles when RJD cadres append “Pandey” – a Brahmin surname – to his name. Yet, in Bihar’s political reality, no leader has ever succeeded without a firm base within their own caste. He cites the Congress of the past as a model for his own party, seemingly overlooking the fact that leaders like Jagjivan Ram (Dalit), Sitaram Kesri (EBC), Satyendra Narayan Sinha (Rajput) and Jagannath Mishra (Brahmin) were each icons within their communities.So too are Lalu and even a diminished Nitish, with strong support from the Yadav and Kurmi communities respectively.To succeed, Kishor will need broader acceptance within his Brahmin caste. But doing so would require taking on the BJP, which continues to hold Brahmins as a core constituency.Is he prepared for that challenge? So far, he seems relatively soft on the BJP while reserving his sharpest attacks for Tejashwi and Nitish.Given the complexity of Bihar’s social and political landscape, Kishor might influence the outcome in select constituencies. However, for any meaningful long-term impact or structural political shift, he still has a long and arduous road ahead.Nalin Verma is a senior journalist and author. He teaches mass communication and creative writing at Jamia Hamdard University.