Silchar: Nima Tati, a tea garden worker who lives in the Moinagarh division of Doloo tea estate in Silchar struggles to make ends meet. “There aren’t enough plants left for us to pluck leaves. We resisted yet they [the government] bulldozed thousands of plants to build an airport. How will we survive? This is our livelihood,” Tati said. The Doloo tea estate employs approximately 1,900 people, including both permanent (regular) and casual (non-regular) staff. During Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s rally in Silchar last month, Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma said that the proposed Doloo greenfield airport project has received the required forest and environmental clearances and construction will begin soon adding that it will “accelerate economic growth” in southern Assam.For the project, the state government plans to clear around 859.5 acres of the tea estate out of its total area of 3,294 acres (9,965 bighas). This eviction drive will likely uproot three million plants and lead to subsequent loss of livelihood. On May 12, 2022, the government started the process of razing the tea plantation following an MoU for acquiring the land for the airport was signed in March 2022 between the authorities of the Doloo Tea Company and three registered trade unions – Barak Cha Shramik Union, Akhil Bharatiya Cha Mazdoor Sangh and Barak Valley Cha Mazdoor Sangh. “As hundreds of us protested, I held the feet of a police officer and cried and asked him to not destroy our plants. They quietly brought hundreds of bulldozers in the night and cleared the plantations,” Tati recalls. “The government told us that we will have work, we will have income, but see what we feared has happened now.” Tea garden workers in a tea garden in Silchar, Assam. Photo: Tilak Purkayastha.The tea garden workers in Barak Valley earn Rs 228 as daily wage, but only if they pluck 23 kg leaves in a day. Since a large section of the plantations have been cut in the Doloo Tea Estate, workers like Tati struggle to meet their daily target. Some even walk to other divisions for work and often return home late. A large section of casual workers don’t even manage to find any work except in the peak season from June-October. “If we don’t get 23 kgs in a day, our manager doesn’t pay us full wage. They just give us some money on an average basis. We are always struggling financially now. With the limited money we earn, what can we do? Should we send children to school or purchase medicine or buy food?” says Anima Ghatwar, a tea garden worker in Doloo. “We have our weekly off on Wednesdays but we go out to other tea gardens looking for work in the hope of making some extra money.”For any party to come to power in Assam, the support of the tea tribes is extremely crucial. From Modi to Congress leader Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, tall leaders of all parties have attempted to visit tea gardens and posed for pictures with the workers. Out of the seven assembly constituencies in Silchar, three constituencies have a significant population of tea garden workers – Borkhola, Udharbond and Lakhipur. Dholai and Katigorah also have a sizable number. “For the tea garden workers across the state, social security is a vital issue. The provisions of the labour act are rampantly violated. The workers are also not covered under the minimum wage act. For the wages, a negotiation is usually reached between the workers and the unions, it is like an agreement between the lion and the lamb,” Arup Baisya, Asom Mojuri Shramik Union (AMSU) advisor said.A quarter of a tea worker in Doolo tea estate in Silchar, Assam. Photo: Tamanna Naseer.Baisya also underlined that tea garden workers don’t even have access to basic amenities like drinking water in many areas and the tea plantation management refuse to undertake repair works in their quarters and they don’t have any proper health facility.Scepticism over land pattasLast month, the Sarma-led government started the first phase of granting land pattas to tea workers in their housing quarters, which is believed to benefit over 3.33 lakh families in the state. The move was called historic. “The government has decided to provide the pattas first to permanent workers and then to casual workers which is the correct way to do it. But somehow some people are not happy, they will never be happy,” says Akash Kumar, a casual tea worker who also runs an eatery. He was among the thousands of tea garden workers for whom the BJP coordinated logistics to attend Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s show in Silchar last month. Like Kumar suggested, the initial enthusiasm over the land patta has given way to scepticism among many tea workers. Kamaljit Teli, casual worker in Doloo tea estate, Silchar, Assam. Photo: Tamanna Naseer.“The government has not given us any land patta yet. They have only handed over a piece of paper, a form. This is not what was promised. We are not sure if at all we will end up getting any land,” Kamaljit Teli, a member of AMSU and a casual worker at Doolo Tea Estate, says. Baisya underlined that the government had initially said pattas would be given to workers. Just before the elections, forms were given to the workers instead and they were asked to apply for the land pattas. “The onus of applying and proving that they are residing in a particular quarter is on the workers now. Also the form is very complicated. It is not going to be an easy process. The workers are sceptical.”Voting for a candidate, not party Several tea garden workers point out that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government promises to increase their daily wage rate substantially before every election. Even this time, many BJP leaders including home minister Amit Shah suggested that the wage rate will be increased to Rs 500. “All the female tea garden workers wore lotus symbols and moved around in 2014. They voted for the BJP in every election since then but now everyone is cautious. We can neither trust Modiji nor Himanta. Our wages were previously Rs 220. It has increased only by Rs 8 in 10 years approximately. There’s a rumour now that it has been increased to Rs 258 just before elections. We will find out only next week [post elections],” said Teli. Notably, the Assam Cabinet has approved a Rs 30 wage hike effective from April 1, taking daily wages of tea garden workers to Rs 280 in the Brahmaputra Valley and Rs 258 in the Barak Valley.A large section of the tea garden workers in Barak Valley – which comprises Silchar, Sribhumi (previously Karimganj) and Halikandi – have mostly voted for the BJP in the last few elections since 2014. According to Baisya, there are around 80,000 to 90,000 tea garden workers in Barak Valley. Originally there were 119 tea gardens, many have been closed or converted to other profitable ventures like real estate. At present there are around 90 tea estates including around 50 in Silchar.Teli calls himself a “Modi bhakt,” but he underlined that the state government has cheated them on multiple occasions. For instance, he said they misguided them while conducting the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) for the airport project. “It is obviously about our livelihood but there are other issues too. We are not educated but still understand that when you are cutting millions of trees you are harming the environment. Isn’t it wrong? Also, Assam is known for its tea. Why would you cut an already developed area which is a tea garden? Why don’t you find vacant land to build an airport? It is not like we don’t want Silchar’s development. But development can’t be at the cost of livelihoods and killing an already developed area. When they did the assessment they told us that it’s okay only if few people are present later they said a majority present in the meeting agreed for the land to be used for airport” The tea workers aren’t a homogenous entity. There are some whose ancestors came from Uttar Pradesh, southern states, and Bihar, and they share caste affinities with peasant castes from these regions. They also belong to different tribal groups such as Santal, Oraon, Munda, Tanti, Teli, Goala, Rabidas, Singh, Chetri, etc. The BJP has been using a multipronged strategy to establish a strong support base among the tea workers who were traditionally Congress supporters. Besides making logistical arrangements for bringing tea workers to BJP meetings and rallies and granting them land pattas, the party has also promised to grant ST status to many of the tea tribes and has selectively provided them benefits through welfare schemes such as Orunodi – monthly cashless transfer – and Mahila Udyamita Abhiyan, seed capital to eligible SHG women members.Teli explains: “Yes, they are offering money through welfare schemes but won’t it be better if the government recognises our rights and ensures that we earn our money the rightful way, earn wages which are commensurate with our efforts and hard work. They are giving us welfare schemes doesn’t mean we should not be self sustainable with our income. We work hard and deserve to be paid.” His wife Surjamoni Karmakar is a recipient of several government schemes such including Orunodi and Mahila Udyamita Abhiyan.Borkhola Congress nominee Dr Amit Kumar Kalwar during an election campaign rally with All India Mahila Congress president Alka Lamba and former Congress MLA Dr Rumi Nath. Photo: Facebook/Banashree Gogoi.In Silchar, the voting preference of the tea garden workers are now largely determined by the candidates who are in the fray in different constituencies. The Doloo tea estate falls under Borkhola constituency where the Congress has fielded Dr Amit Kumar Kalwar replacing incumbent MLA Misbahul Islam Laskar. The BJP has given ticket to Dr Kishore Nath. Nath had won the seat in 2016 with a margin of 42 votes. Kalwar is Hindi-speaking and a popular physician. He is seen as a tough contender while Nath’s previous tenure was rattled with controversies. For instance, during the Covid pandemic he was seen manhandling and abusing a doctor. He was also the MLA when the plantations were raized in 2016.Like many other constituencies in Assam, the contest in Udharbond is between a veteran Congress leader – Ajit Singh – and a former Congress MLA – Rajdeep Goala – who has been given a ticket by the BJP. Rajdeep’s father Dinesh Prasad Goala was a Congress MLA for many decades. Rajdeep joined BJP in late 2020 after the Congress suspended him for anti-party activities, he was then an MLA representing Lakhipur constituency.Singh belongs to the Mali community while Rajdeep is a Goala, a sub-caste of the Yadav community. Interestingly, for the Doloo airport project, Singh was a signatory in the MoU and Goala was the mediator. Singh is relying on his traditional voter base, a major chunk of which has shifted towards the saffron party. The initial resistance by the local BJP cadre against Goala’s candidature has largely calmed down. He is betting on the BJP’s welfare schemes. Also read: Assam is Polarised but Even Himanta’s Supporters Aren’t Comfortable with His ‘Language’In Lakhipur constituency, post the delimitation exercise, besides the tea garden workers, there’s a mix of Assamese-speaking Hindus, Manipuri Hindus, indigenous groups and some Muslim population. Incumbent minister Kaushik Rai is the BJP nominee while Congress has fielded Dr M. Santi Kumar Singha. Local voters underline that Rai has significantly improved the civic infrastructure in his constituency and therefore appears to have an edge. Congress nominee Singha, a Meitei, is banking on the large section of Manipuri voters in the area.File photo: Assam BJP president Dilip Saikia, third right, inducts suspended Congress MLAs Kamalakhya Dey Purkayastha, Basanta Das and Sashi Kanta Das into the Bharatiya Janata Party at Atal Bihari Vajpayee Bhawan in Guwahati on March 5, 2026. Photo: PTI.In Katigorah, Congress turncoat Kamalakhya Dey Purkayastha has been fielded by the BJP and the Congress has nominated former BJP MLA Amar Chand Jain. Before delimitation, this constitution had a large section of Muslim voters. Now, the Muslim influence has largely reduced here as the Hindu-dominated areas from the neighbouring Badarpur seat (which doesn’t exist post delimitation) has been merged with this constituency. After initial resistance by the local BJP members, Purkayastha has managed to pacify the saffron party cadre post intervention by state leadership, including chief minister Sarma’s rally. While interacting with media persons, the chief minister said that Purkayastha “will fight for a ministerial position post his win.” Purkayastha is a three-time MLA from Karimganj constituency. Sarma’s statement is viewed as an indication by many local voters that Purkayastha might become a minister if he manages to win. The BJP has replaced incumbent MLA Nihar Ranjan Das with Amiya Kanti Das in SC-reserved Dholai constituency. Ranjan Das had won the 2024 by polls after Parimal Suklabaidya was elected from the Silchar Lok Sabha constituency; he resigned from the BJP after the saffron party denied him a ticket. There is a two-way contest between Kanti Das and Congress nominee Dhruvajyoti Purkayastha, who had earlier lost the 2024 by polls. The Congress is eyeing to win this seat after 15 years. Purkasthya is a very popular candidate. However, Ranjan Das has been with the BJP for several decades and has considerable local support as well. In Silchar and Sonai constituencies, the influence of tea tribes is negligible. Silchar is an important trading base which connects Assam to multiple states including Mizoram and Manipur. In Silchar constituency, the BJP has fielded Rajdeep Roy while the Congress has nominated Abhijit Paul. Roy was an MP from the Silchar constituency from 2019-2024. He was denied a ticket in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls due to anti-incumbency. There is a strong resentment against Roy among the local voters. They underline that he remained absent when they reeled under floods repeatedly in the last few years. Moreover, his lack of involvement to help families suffering during the Covid pandemic has also not been forgotten. Roy has repeatedly tried to appeal to the “Sanatani” voters in his constituency since it is dominated by Bengalis-speaking Hindus. What might work in Roy’s favour is that the Congress nominee Paul is not being viewed as a formidable contender either. Contrary to Silchar constituency, the BJP leaders, including chief minister Sarma, have asked the Muslim voters to elect Asom Gana Parishad (AGP)’s Karim Uddin Barbhuiya in Sonai. Barbhuiya is the sitting MLA. He contested on an All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) ticket in the last polls. Across the state, several AIUDF members have switched to the AGP and have been fielded by this BJP alliance. Interestingly, the Congress has fielded Aminul Haque Laskar who became the only Muslim BJP MLA in the state after winning the polls in 2016 from the Sonai constituency, defeating Congress’s Anamul Haque. There is anti-incumbency against Barbhuiya which is leveraged by the local Congress leaders. While campaigning in Sonai, Sarma has mentioned here as well that “Barbhuiya is a contender to be minister” in case he wins. Like the BJP-alliance candidates on other seats, even Barbhuiya is largely relying on BJP’s welfare schemes. But it is likely not enough as not everyone has managed to avail the government’s schemes. A group of tea garden workers return home after work in Silchar, Assam. Photo: Tamanna Naseer.“They give the benefits only to some. They are not providing welfare to everyone. I am not sure how it is done. How are people selected? I’m old and need support. But the government doesn’t seem to be listening. I don’t know if these slips and papers that they have given to us will be enough for getting lands in our names,” tea worker Tati aptly described the situation.