New Delhi: The chapters unfolding in Manipur today may appear new, but they echo a script the state has already lived through. In Imphal’s streets, the anger sounds hauntingly familiar. Slogans that once rang out through 2023 have returned, this time with force: “Go back Indian Army.”This resurgence of rage follows a brutal incident on April 7, 2026, in Bishnupur district’s Tronglaobi area, where a bomb attack by suspected militants killed two Meitei children and injured their mother. What might have remained a tragic but isolated act quickly spiralled into something larger.Within hours, a large group of protesters marched towards a nearby Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) camp at Gelmol, barely a few hundred metres from the blast site. The situation escalated rapidly, culminating in firing by security forces, and pushing Manipur back into a cycle it has struggled to escape.On May 3, the violence in Manipur will mark three years. In this time, more than 270 lives have been lost, including that of personnel from both central and state forces. Despite a “double engine” government – with Bharatiya Janata Party in the state and at the Union – the unrest raises a bigger question: has the political leadership, across levels, collectively failed to contain a crisis that continues to repeat itself?Streets Boil OverAnger on Manipur’s streets is no longer episodic. It is organised, vocal, and increasingly political. The Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI) has issued an ultimatum to the state government, calling a complete boycott of the BJP-led administration. It signals a shift from spontaneous outrage to structured resistance, with civil society groups now openly questioning the legitimacy and intent of those in power.“The government has not yet clarified whether the UKNA cadres arrested by security forces were actually involved in the Tronglaobi killings or how they were involved,” COCOMI’s Nahakpam Shanta said, speaking to the media in Imphal.Shanta added that the Yumnam Khemchand Singh-led BJP government has not been paying any heed to the people’s voice. Instead, it has been acting against the will of the people.COCOMI’s demand follows a recent agreement between the SoO groups and the Government of India, under which it was decided that double-locked weapons would be surrendered for six months under the supervision of security forces. However, it remains unclear whether all such weapons are being kept within the SoO camps or have been handed over to the security forces.So far, the government has not shared any information regarding the details of SoO camps, whether all the weapons of SoO militants are in their designated camps or surrendered for six months.Thousands of Meira Paibi leaders have also taken to the streets, demanding justice for the killing of two children near a CRPF camp in Bishnupur district. Their demand is simple on the face of it: speedy justice. But in Manipur, this demand runs into an already overwhelmed and widely distrusted system.Also read: Manipur Needs No More Repression or Coercion. It Needs a Deeper UnderstandingOver 11,000 zero FIRs have been registered since the violence began. Multiple agencies, including the NIA and the CBI, are investigating cases ranging from killings to sexual violence and alleged militant activity. Despite periodic updates, there has been little sense of closure in any of the major cases. For many, justice remains both delayed and distant.Speaking to The Wire, Dhiren Sadokpam said the crisis reflects a deeper institutional failure. “Manipur has seen prolonged violence, and it seems the government is unable to stop it. With the kind of violence that we have seen since May 3, 2023, when most of the victims seem to be common citizens, it is obvious that people would continue to seek justice,” he said.He pointed to the stalled progress of the inquiry commission led by former Chief Justice of the Gauhati high court Ajai Lamba, set up in June 2023 to investigate the ethnic violence. Its tenure has been extended multiple times, with no clear outcome in sight.“The Central government’s will is weak,” Sadokpam said and added, “Peace is still a faraway dream, given the unfolding violence not only in the valley but also in the hills. If the state government has failed, it is the role of the Centre to take charge. But people have lost trust. Abnormality and unpredictability have now become the norm.”That loss of trust is evident on the ground. One Meira Paibi leader, Chanthoi, described a sense of abandonment. “We don’t have any security. We are saving our own lives. When militants fire, there is no response. But when we protest, tear gas is fired at us. Can’t they see civilians? There is a limit to anger, and that limit is over.”Chanthoi asked these questions and said, “I am asking this not just as a Meitei but I am asking as a whole Manipur – why are we still suffering?”Silence from BJPOn the current situation in Manipur, no one from the central leadership has spoken about the violence. In the past three years, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has visited the state only once, in 2025, where he said, “Manipur is that state of the nation where mothers and sisters are at the forefront of the economy.” But when these mothers are on the streets seeking justice, the prime minister is busy running rallies 1,000 km away in West Bengal to win elections.People on the ground have been saying, “We know even if we start living on the streets, these leaders won’t care. We only have to think about our survival.”Not just Delhi, but the state leadership is also silent on the current situation of Manipur. State BJP president Sharda Devi, who was once projected by the party as a symbol of women’s leadership in the state, has not given a single interview or spoken to the media about the violence since the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Leaders close to her have said that she was asked to remain silent by the central leadership. The Wire also tried contacting her to comment on the current situation but has so far not received any response.Change in leadership but outcome sameManipur’s political trajectory over the past three years has seen multiple shifts, but little substantive change on the ground. From N. Biren Singh’s government to a period of President’s Rule, and now under chief minister Y. Khemchand Singh, the promise of restoring normalcy has largely remained stalled.Khemchand Singh, who took office in February 2026, has made visible efforts to engage with the crisis. Unlike his predecessor, he has visited violence-affected areas and attempted outreach with leaders from the Kuki-Zo community. In March 2026, he held talks with representatives of the Kuki Zo Council in Guwahati.These steps signalled a possible shift towards dialogue. However, the fact that talks were held in Guwahati rather than in Manipur itself too raises questions about the Union government’s claims of restored free movement across the state. Even as the Home Minister Amit Shah maintains that normalcy is returning in Manipur, the killing of two Meitei children in Bishnupur has once again derailed fragile progress.For the opposition, the question is not about intent but impact.Speaking to The Wire, Congress leader Meghachandra noted that a change in leadership has not translated into a change in governance. “Merely changing the face at the top does not alter realities on the ground. The people of Manipur are not judging promises, but outcomes, peace, trust and normalcy,” he said.“What Manipur needs is not a symbolic shift, but a genuine political will to bring communities together, ensure justice, and restore public confidence,” Meghachandra added.At a time when the situation appears to be slipping once again, the demands from the opposition are both immediate and structural: impartial enforcement of law and order, inclusive political dialogue across communities, accountability for those responsible for violence, and urgent rehabilitation for thousands still displaced.In a state where violence has become routine, the challenge before the government is not just to manage the crisis, but to demonstrate that this phase will not end like the last.