Local self-governments (LSGs) elections in Kerala were concluded in the tail end of 2025 with about 74% turnout, and the United Democratic Front (UDF) had a sweeping performance, particularly with the urban voters. Although LSGs are believed to be the democratic soul, and the LSG elections are semi-finals before the run-up to the legislative assembly elections, the issues are usually dismissed as insignificant during the assembly elections. With little or hardly any practical ideological differences between Left Democratic Front (LDF) and UDF, the true contest is rather in the erosion of democratisation – exemplified by the return of the 2019 Sajan Parayil suicide case to the public discourse in Kerala.The Sajan Parayil suicide case, once purposely erased from public memory, has resurfaced now exposing the long rotten system of corruption, red tape and nepotism entrenched in Kerala’s local administration. Sajan, a 49-year-old NRI entrepreneur from Kannur, ended his life after a long struggle to obtain an occupancy certificate for his 16-crore convention centre project in Anthoor Municipality. His personal note later revealed the exact number of futile visits to municipal office and alleged mental harassment by officials, including the then chairperson P.K Shyamala, wife of Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI (M)) state secretary M.V Govindan.The Kerala high court took suo motu cognisance of the case, demanding files and leading to the suspension of four officials back in time. Now in 2026, the same case has fueled an explosive CPI(M) revolt ahead of the polls as the same P.K Shyamala is now the official LDF candidate from Taliparamba assembly constituency in which the Anthoor Muncipality falls. On March 16, T.K Govindan, a veteran CPM leader having six decades of party work to his credit, quit and vowed to contest against Shyamala. Govindan alleges her nomination was a unilateral imposition, disregarding district-level party opposition, possibly with chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan’s approval. He links it directly to the simmering Sajan controversy, reiterating that unresolved issues from Anthoor taint her public image and personality. Thus, not fit for MLA candidacy.CPI (M) hastily expelled T.K. Govindan on March 17 for violating ‘party principles’ and accused him of greed for power and colluding with the Congress before the elections. Although this comes across as party infighting, it has more gravitas, as it reeks of unaccountable, unchecked local power and authority in an all-CPI(M) council in Anthoor (back in 2019). Today, what remains important is the risk of single-party dominance across many panchayats and municipalities and the irrefutable significance of opposition, highlighting the cardinal role of effective internal checks at the level of grassroots governance.Similar concerns had surfaced during the 2019 demolition of five apartments in Maradu (Kochi) that violated the Coastal Regulation Zones (CRZ) rules. Builders had secured panchayat approval in 2006 but ignored Coastal Zone Authority pushing 400 residents to the extent of evictions – losing their houses, lifetime investments and security.As per IIT- Madras reports, the locals had to endure a major environmental fallout, huge financial cost of environmental devastation near fragile backwaters, demolition trauma for the neighbourhood – all stemming from corrupt panchayat-builder nexus at the local level. These past incidents demonstrate nothing but administrative negligence, corruption, and centralisation eroding decentralisation.Both the above cases reflect upon the discrepancies in the grass-root level administration in Kerala. In the first instance, apart from the huge personal loss of Sajan’s family, the entire diaspora community now dreads the idea of investment and venturing options back in their homeland. In the second case, ex-occupants of the apartments and the horrific image of eviction and demolition is going to stay, the trauma of neighbouring houses and the long-term impact on the fragile environment is a glaring setback to the local administration.The role of administrative corruption, administrative negligence, lack of people’s participation, and rising tide against democratic decentralisation in policymaking is beyond doubt and frustrating. What is questionable in the public domain is the role of local bodies and the officers who are at the helm of affairs in the local self-governing bodies. Their mandate, responsibilities, and commitments need to be re-examined, and it beseeches continued discussion in public forums and political party meetings across the state, especially during the current election rallies.Kerala has a rich history and legacy in local governance since the 1996 People’s Plan Campaign under LDF, which devolved power for citizen-centric development. The earmarked 35-40% plan outlays for the LSGs were instrumental in this approach. Yet, various cases as discussed above expose the paradox i.e., devolved functions, finance and functionaries with centralised abuse of all of it.The anthropologist Murphy Halliburton has previously warned about Kerala’s high suicide rates in comparison to the national average, now battered with jobless youth exodus, single-party dominance and a top-down model of administration that erodes public trust and chokes development. However, to revive participatory democracy, parties must re-empower stakeholders – citizens, constitute diverse councils, conduct independent audits and public hearings.Voters must clinch 2026 as an opportunity to debate pertinent issues of governance, ecology, health, higher education and welfare of vulnerable groups aimed at reforms before discord hits rock bottom and signal the death knell of local governance as votes get casted and polls get fated.Philip Varghese teaches at CHRIST University in Bengaluru. Views are personal.