Fresh from his court victory, Arvind Kejriwal will be a cause for concern for the Congress ahead of the assembly elections in Goa and Gujarat, as well as a host of other states.The Aam Aadmi Party leader had been instrumental in cutting the votes of the grand old party in Goa, and especially Gujarat and most recently in Haryana, so much so that Rahul Gandhi was finally exasperated with the cunning of Kejriwal.What Kejriwal did in these states, with less or more intensity, was to project that his party was the only bulwark against the BJP, thereby taking away some crucial votes from the Congress in its neck-to-neck fight with the BJP in some states, most recently in Haryana.It was more by deliberate design than by accident that Kejriwal, who hailed the birth of his AAP 13 years ago as the birth of a political revolution, sought to build his organisation on the possible ruins of a dilapidated Congress.Delhi was the perfect example of how Kejriwal, almost second to none in political theatrics, silently but methodically took over the base of the Congress, which not only lost power in the national capital after 15 long years but also became an utterly sick unit. It is still finding its feet though a decade has passed.Also read: Arvind Kejriwal Should Realise the Allure of Jantar Mantar is MisplacedKejriwal is like a chameleon who knows how to change colours. If it is a fight with the BJP which boasts of its Hindutva, Kejriwal shows that he is no different, as he is a staunch devotee of Lord Hanuman. During the 2020 Delhi riots, he conspicuously remained away from the minority-dominated areas that suffered the brunt of the violence, lest he be accused of being anti-Hindu by the BJP in the assembly polls that followed.His tactics at welfarism, which once were derisively dubbed as ‘rewdis’ by the prime minister, draw him closer to the Left and the Congress. But it is also a fact that he has never believed in the cause of opposition unity.His confidence in himself is so great that he does not want crutches or detests them even when they are needed. It is also a fact that, like Modi, Kejriwal is bigger than his party, as all other leaders, including Manish Sisodia, as well as the Punjab chief minister Bhagwant Mann, are, in a way, ‘also-rans.’A peep into his mindset reveals that his first national election was the May 2014 battle against Modi from Varanasi when the BJP leader was his party’s prime ministerial candidate. The moral of the story is that Kejriwal feels that the sky is the limit for him and those in the opposition ranks are too pygmy to matter. His remarks a few years ago, ‘Don’t consider me Rahul Gandhi,’ were meant to convey that he was not politically naive.When his first government in Delhi started tottering, the Congress, with crucial eight members, offered him unconditional support unilaterally. He had written a letter to the then Congress president Sonia Gandhi seeking the views of the grand old party on a variety of issues. It showed that his mental makeup is not for running a coalition and that he does not consider himself any less than the prime minister, whatever the ground situation might be.It is equally true that he never sang paeans of opposition unity. And the problem is that no one really knows what the AAP ideology is and what Kejriwal stands for. AAP claims that it practices “kaam ki rajneeti” with a firm focus on education, health, water, electricity and the rights of farmers and women.His brief flirtation with the INDIA grouping was compelled by circumstances, as he wanted the opposition to be on his side when his government in Delhi was being targeted by the BJP and the Centre.His stint in the INDIA bloc was over when Congress entered seriously in the assembly elections in Delhi to defeat AAP.So a proactive Kejriwal is more a concern and worry for the Congress than BJP. AAP is a lone ranger, and Kejriwal is overambitious, and it is a deadly cocktail.Watch: AAP Legal Victory a Big Setback To Probe AgenciesAAP’s tagline, “Zidd hai India ko No. 1 bananeki (We will insist on making India No. 1)” matches that of the BJP’s chant of “Vishwaguru”. It boasts of being the fastest-growing political party in the country and is a rare organisation. In a way it is true. In the world’s largest democracy, where debate and discussion are key, AAP has hardly held any national meetings and conventions of its leaders and workers since its formation on October 2, 2012.If Kejriwal was not all-powerful, how could AAP have shown the door to founders like Yogendra Yadav, Prashant Bhushan and a host of others soon after it started gathering moss? Kejriwal’s scant regard for Anna Hazare, from whose anti-corruption movement the party took birth, is evident. Now, Bhushan as well as people associated with the RSS are openly admitting that the Anna movement was backed by the Sangh parivar.This has obviously brought the charge that whatever Kejriwal might be saying, his party is the B team of the BJP. A section of political observers believes that is why AAP is harming the Congress.In the emerging scenario where the graph of the BJP and Modi is coming down, the AAP, if it messages well, can affect the BJP too.At the same time, it must be admitted that Kejriwal and his party should be credited with launching innovative campaigns when the BJP was at its peak nationally.The problem is that Kejriwal is a man in a hurry, and the reprieve by a Delhi court has made him more anxious and revived his ambitions. His unpredictability is viewed with suspicion in a section of the opposition, which has no place for outliers. AAP is playing the game as a national party without having the requisite spread and influence is another cause of concern for them.With the Delhi government approaching the high court in the sharab ghotala case, one does not know what is in store for Kejriwal and his party at a time when questions are being asked about the way the Modi government operates.Sunil Gatade and Venkatesh Kesari are New Delhi-based journalists.