Opposition parties were successful in defeating the “Mens’s Reservation Bill” clad as Women’s reservation Bill and the fraudulent “Delimitation Bill”. But once again women’s reservation has been postponed because of the political chicanery of the Modi government’s ulterior motives .Both in 2023 and 2026, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government used the women reservation bill for their partisan political campaign and not for its genuine implementation.In 2023, Parliament unanimously passed a law promising 33% seats for women in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies. On paper, it looked historic. In practice, it came with a catch: implementation was tied to a future census and delimitation exercise after 2026. That effectively pushed real change well into the next decade.At the time, opposition parties objected, arguing that if the intent was genuine, reservation could be implemented as early as the 2024 elections. The government refused.Fast forward to 2026, and the script has flipped. The same government proposed implementing reservation for the 2029 elections, but tying it to delimitation using the 2011 census through the 131st Constitutional Amendment. It proposed increasing the total number of parliamentary seats to 816 without solid constitutional justification, reserving 33% (273 seats) for women. When southern states strongly opposed this, the government tried to placate them with claims that all states’ seats would be increased equally by 50% by verbal assurance not backed by any constitutional rationale.However:The bill did not actually contain any provision for a uniform 50% increase in seats across all states.Increasing seats equally by 50% across states, regardless of population growth, lacks constitutional basis and is impractical.Raising the total seats from 543 to 816 and then allocating 33% to women was to protect male dominance – something the BJP has indirectly acknowledged.Even though women constitute about 50% of the population, around 90% of the existing 543 seats are held by men. If 33% reservation were implemented within the current seats, men would have to give up about 180 seats. To avoid affecting entrenched male interests, the BJP proposed increasing total seats so that the original 543 seats effectively remain with men while the additional 273 go to women.Thus, what is being proposed is essentially a “men’s reservation” bill rather than a genuine women’s reservation bill.In other words, rather than redistributing power, the system expands to accommodate change without disruption.Why, then, did the government push this amendment despite clearly lacking the required two-thirds majority?The reasons are petty and nefarious. The BJP has no real commitment to women’s reservation. Even in 2023, the bill seemed more like an attempt to attract women voters in the 2024 elections rather than to genuinely implement reservation. The conditions in the 2023 bill meant that even if passed, it would only come into effect around the 2034 elections.The bill had already passed both houses and received presidential assent, yet its implementation date was only announced three years later – on April 16, 2026 – after signs emerged that the new amendment proposal might fail.Therefore, the rushed introduction in 2023 appears aimed at gaining women’s votes in 2024, while the 2026 move – despite lacking majority support – seems designed to portray the BJP as pro-women and opposition parties as anti-women during ongoing state elections, especially in regions like West Bengal and Tamil Nadu.In essence, by proposing what amounts to a “men’s reservation” and undermining the concept and process of women’s reservation, the BJP has once again demonstrated an anti-women stance.But what about opposition parties? Are they truly committed to women’s reservation?Looking at their track record – in party structure, ticket distribution, and power-sharing – there is little evidence of such commitment. Since 1951, there has been no legal barrier preventing parties from giving 33% tickets to women. Yet, except for the Trinamool Congress (TMC) at the state level, no major party has done so.A closer look at election data reveals a deeper, bipartisan gap between rhetoric and reality. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, major parties gave women far fewer tickets than the proposed 33% quota:BJP: 15%Congress: 12.5%CPI(M): 13%BSP: 8%TMC: 25%2019 Lok Sabha elections:BJP: 12.6%Congress: 12.8%CPI(M): 12%BSP: 12.6%TMC: 40.5%The pattern is consistent in earlier elections as well. Despite rhetoric about women’s empowerment, even half of the promised 33% has not been met. Except for TMC, most opposition parties compete with the BJP in neglecting women’s representation.The takeaway is hard to ignore: for decades, political parties have had the freedom to nominate more women. They simply haven’t. Moreover, many women candidates are given tickets due to male connections (husband, father, etc.), and most belong to upper castes and classes.Social justice is a responsibility of all parties that accept the Constitution. Why wait for a law to implement it?Parties can ensure representation for women and marginalised communities without legal compulsion and should use all their resources to help them win. Instead, prioritising “winnable” candidates – mostly men from privileged groups –undermines social justice.While the BJP is ideologically opposed to social justice, if opposition parties truly want to distinguish themselves, they should:Demand removal of the census and delimitation conditions attached to the 2023 law.Push for implementing 33% reservation (180 seats) within the existing 543 seats, ensuring representation for marginalised groups in the very next Monsoon sessionVoluntarily allocate 33% tickets to women (with due representation for the more oppressed castes and Minorites ) within their parties and actively support their victory.Otherwise, a tradition where “male India” continues to defeat “female India”—across parties and ideologies—will persist.Finally, why is no one questioning why women, who make up 50% of society, are being offered only 33% reservation?Just asking.Shivasundar is a columnist and activist in Karnataka.