Now, it is becoming increasingly clear that Ali Khan Mahmoodabad is being used as an excuse to corner and target Ashoka University. While Ali Khan himself remains a focal point of this controversy, the episode is being weaponised to tame – or even dismantle – the university. Will it be completely taken over? Will it meet the same fate as Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), stripped of its intellectual vibrancy and reduced to a shadow of its former self? There is a good reason for this apprehension, as this time, organisations linked to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and state institutions have come together in a coordinated attack on Ashoka University.According to a report by The Indian Express, “Nearly three months after two undergraduate students of Ashoka University died on campus in separate incidents, the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) has issued a notice to the Education Secretary of Haryana and the Director General of Police (DGP) of Haryana, seeking a detailed action-taken report.” The notice is based on a complaint alleging institutional lapses. The commission’s letter states, “The complainant alleged that the tragic deaths of two Ashoka University students, on February 14 and 15, raised grave concerns regarding potential institutional failures.” Furthermore, the commission highlighted “a troubling lack of transparency surrounding the incidents, including the non-disclosure of the contents of the alleged suicide note,” along with questions about the university’s mental health support systems, safety protocols, and overall campus environment.At first glance, this might seem like a routine inquiry. However, the deceased were 21 and 19 years old – hardly children – and fell outside the jurisdiction of the NCPCR. Over the past few years, this commission has repeatedly targeted critics of the government, using child rights as a pretext. Harsh Mander’s case is a glaring example. Under the guise of this notice, an investigation into Ashoka University’s institutional processes will likely be initiated, with attempts to rein it in or reshape it entirely.The timing of the commission’s notice is also significant. It comes right in the middle of the Ali Khan controversy. Such incidents have occurred on numerous campuses over the past decade. Has the commission been so vigilant everywhere?Before this notice, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the student wing of the RSS, protested against Ashoka University. The ABVP is incensed that the university expressed relief at Ali Khan’s release and demanded his suspension or dismissal. Although the protest drew minimal participation, it is rumoured that the university administration has already assured the ABVP of a response within two to three days.It is telling that Organizer, the RSS mouthpiece, also weighed in on the matter. According to them, failing to take action against Ali Khan implies that Ashoka University endorses his views. They have already branded him as anti-national and anti-army.Additionally, we learn that the Ministry of Education of the Union government of India has raised questions about reservation policies in some academic programs at Ashoka University. We should not forget that the chairperson of the Haryana State Commission for Women had reprimanded the university for harbouring dissenting voices and threatened further action.Justice Suryakant’s remarks during Ali Khan’s hearing are equally concerning. Without context, he threatened action against students and faculty protesting Ali Khan’s persecution. Could the university administration use this verbal threat to discipline its own students and teachers?What began as an attack on Ali Khan for his alleged misogyny and sedition has now morphed into a full-blown assault on Ashoka University. What does this signify?Hindutva organisations view Ashoka University with the same suspicion they once reserved for JNU. JNU was targeted for fostering liberal thought and producing critical minds who often challenged Hindu nationalism. Its courses nurtured youth into becoming progressive thinkers. Similarly, Ashoka University, though small and relatively new, has gained immense symbolic importance in the academic world outside India; a status threatening to the RSS’s cultural hegemony. How can India be represented by an institution which claims to promote critical thinking instead of nationalism?JNU was defamed as “anti-national” before being systematically dismantled. A Hindutva-aligned vice chancellor was appointed, altering its character entirely. Delhi University faces a similar fate, with incompetent, right-wing teachers being recruited to dilute its intellectual potential. Now, Ashoka University risks meeting the same end.Despite its reputation for liberalism, Ashoka’s administration has not been immune to pressure. Over the past decade, several progressive teachers have been forced out due to disapproval from the BJP or RSS. In 2016, Rajendran Narayanan and two academic officers resigned under duress over a statement on Kashmir. Later, vice chancellor Pratap Bhanu Mehta stepped down to shield the institution from government interference. Most recently, economist Sabyasachi Das was ousted for publishing research on elections deemed objectionable by the BJP.Each time, the administration justified these actions by claiming that Ashoka’s survival was paramount for India’s intellectual ecosystem. Sacrificing a few teachers, they argued, was worth preserving the institution. But in doing so, they betrayed the very values Ashoka claimed to uphold.Their logic? The university needs government support for land, water and electricity to grow. So what if a few teachers are lost?Also read: The Sole Reason Behind Ali Khan Mahmudabad’s Arrest Is That He Is a MuslimWill Ashoka University sacrifice Ali Khan this time to buy itself more time? Or will the BJP and RSS demand greater concessions – perhaps their own appointees in administration or a shift in the university’s intellectual direction? How will Ashoka’s leadership respond?We cannot expect Ashoka’s board to stand firm like Harvard against Hindutva forces. That tradition of defiance does not exist here. More likely, they will offer another sacrifice to appease the BJP or the Union government.However, they don’t have to. I know of at least one school administrator who refused to bow to right-wing pressure. When his school was attacked for recommending certain books deemed objectionable by Hindu nationalists, he stood his ground, vowing to shut the school down rather than compromise. Today, that school still stands.Does Ashoka’s leadership have the courage to say they would rather close the institution than betray its mission? Probably not. But while we criticise their cowardice, let us not forget who created this situation. The blame lies squarely with the BJP and RSS. If Ashoka survives only to be hollowed out like JNU, the responsibility rests solely with them.Apoorvanand teaches Hindi at Delhi University.