Civil society organisations have called for a peace march in Patna on April 4. The resolution for this call was preceded by a candlelight march last evening in which around 300 people, mainly those working on social issues, participated. According to the invite, it is a ‘peace and communal harmony march against the communal violence in the country’.In the wake of communal violence that has marred several districts in Bihar and West Bengal, this is a hopeful sign. The banner that calls for the march reads: ‘Ham Bihar Ke Log (We the people of Bihar)’.The communal violence in Raniganj-Asansol and Kankinara of West Bengal, and in Bhagalpur, Aurangabad, Rosera (Samastipur), Munger-Sheikhpura, Nawada, Silao (Nalanda) of Bihar indicates that strategies are being deployed to polarise society in order to turn the grief over the loss of life into electoral gains.The next Lok Sabha elections are to be held in a year. Earlier this year, in late January, five more districts in Bihar were reported to have witnessed incidents of communal violence – Arrah, Muzaffarpur, Vaishali, Champaran and Gaya.Is it worth noting that while arson and loot have marred the state during such incidents since January 23, 2017, there has fortunately been almost no killing.Is this by design? Because the purpose of polarisation is served only with these kinds of crime – eventually leading to the filing of police cases, where either one of the parties compromises by withdrawing the case or does not pursue it further. However, cases of killing invite outrage from society. The media also zooms into such cases in greater detail, and the accused aggressors are eventually left to fend for themselves.Or is this just the beginning of the galvanising process towards dividing and polarising our society? This needs to be probed further by the watchdogs of a healthy democracy.In the aftermath of violence, the Centre is seeking a report from the West Bengal government and not from the Bihar government, making its partisanship quite obvious – arm-twisting the opposition (Trinamool Congress) while letting the NDA-ruled Bihar, where the Janata Dal (United) is in alliance with the BJP, go scot-free. What is crucial to note is that the failure of the administration to stop such incidents is not possible without the nod of the state governments – as they too keep getting intelligence inputs pertaining to law and order situations on regular basis.There are reports that CDs and pen drives containing provocative songs were distributed ahead of Ram Navami in Bihar along with swords and hockey sticks – which were flashed during the processions. According to eyewitnesses, a substantial number of swords – displayed by the sloganeering mobs – were brand new. In Aurangabad, according to them, many of those who burnt down the shops of Hindus and Muslims were outsiders. The mob consisted of BJP parliamentarian from Aurangabad Sunil Singh and Anil Singh, a local functionary of Hindu Yuva Vahini (HYV) who was arrested but later managed to escape from police custody.Police use batons to control the situation after an armed crowd allegedly barged into a police station over Ram Navami clashes. Credit: PTIIn various parts of Bihar, specifically in Rajput-populated localities of Bhojpuri-speaking regions and beyond, several branches of the HYV have emerged since Adityanath, a Rajput, became the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh in March 2017.Strangely, what has come to the fore is the way places of worship are being politicised by innovating rituals. The political economy of the religious is being diverted in favour of Hindutva.Historically speaking, during colonial times, there were communal skirmishes during religious processions, but people could not be convinced to confine their religious rituals to private spaces. The distinction between public and private is hard to make in India.Another worry is the way the business of selling iron arms like swords and daggers is being practiced. Now, it is possible to get such arms delivered to your doorstep within four or five days. According to one media agency’s estimate, at least 2,00,000 swords were either purchased or arrived in Bihar alone this year. This clearly indicates a conspiracy, especially since there is no tradition of keeping or buying swords during Ram Navami.More importantly, Dinesh Jha, a young local BJP functionary, was caught on camera climbing the minaret of the mosque in Rosera (Samastipur) without the help of a ladder or a rope to hoist the national flag above it – this suggests prior training and organisation.In another instance in Rajasthan, a Muslim labourer was burnt alive in broad daylight. The incident was filmed and it went viral, raising debates over the security of minorities and the changing nature of our society. Even though the killer is now behind bars, right-wing organisations attempted to valorise the crime by giving a throne to his body double during the Ram Navami procession.Among all incidents that have surfaced so far around the issue of communal violence in Bihar and Bengal, one observation is worth noting – the import of outsiders during the Ram Navami processions – similar to what the BJP does during political rallies.Most recently, BJP used the same method during its fight against the mahagathbandhan in the Bihar assembly elections as well as during the Lok Sabha elections in 2014. In India, just like the political rallies, often religious processions too have been an important site to express valour to disseminate the political message to the targeted audience. This model and tactic of gaining political ground originally began with the BJP during the Ram Janmabhoomi movement, where a religious space was used to spark a controversy to spearhead the campaign and connect with the wider public.In the creation and circulation of the images and symbols, the economy plays an important role, as all the artefacts used for religious purposes do carry a cost.The candlelight procession held on April 2. Credit: Special arrangementPerhaps it is faith and religion that offers the trading community the confidence to take business risks and keep their boat sailing through the uncertainties of the market economy. With the rise in economic inequalities on various fronts, in the age of liberalisation, religion truly is like opium to the unemployed youth and uneducated masses. Whenever the economy is in shambles, like in the decade before the new economic policy, this opium is used to keep the anxieties of the larger public at bay.On the other hand, in the aftermath of violence in Munger (Bihar), civil society rose to the occasion and took out a peace march through the same routes and sites where confrontations had taken place between the two communities just a day earlier. Slogans were raised in favour of peace and communal harmony. It is in this India we have hope, not in the one that keeps scheming and devising people against each other for narrow political gains.The remarkable sense of maturity expressed by the Imam of Asansol, who lost his son who had just appeared for the class 10 exams, speaks volumes about what people prefer and foresee in the face of such violence, which unfortunately our rulers don’t. Why? Because blinded by religious hatred and divide, the citizens don’t ask questions on economic performances of the incumbent regimes. This is a deviously convenient way of covering up the non-performance on farmers’ distress and youth unemployment, and the financial scandals that are now out in the open.With the next Lok Sabha elections fast approaching, civil society has to be alert and watchful of what’s going on in order to avoid and prevent such nefarious designs.S.M. Faizan Ahmad is a sociologist and political observer.