Kolkata: On June 25, the 10th day of Muharram concluded across West Bengal under an unprecedented, highly regulated and heavily policed atmosphere. Backed by new security directives from the police and a Calcutta high court order restricting Tazia preparation, the state administration enforced a strict ban on weapon displays and DJ music.Across the state, Muslims observed the festival through silent processions, with some carrying a 100-foot national flag under close drone and armed patrol surveillance. This subdued atmosphere, coming barely 45 days after the maiden Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government assumed power in the state, reflects a growing anxiety within the minority community, which constitutes around 30% of the total population. Even before assuming office, the state’s chief minister, Suvendu Adhikari, had explicitly made his administration’s course of action clear, “Muslims did not vote for us, so we will not do anything special for them.” The subsequent wave of administrative interventions reflects the execution of this stance. Soon after the government’s formation, these administrative and social pressures spilled into local marketplaces, systematically targeting minority livelihoods. In the Siliguri Bidhan Market area, a group of youths identifying themselves as members of the Hindu Jagran Manch announced over loudspeakers, “Do not buy any rice sack that has ‘786’ written on it!”Bajrang Dal members going door-to-door in Berhampore, Mushisabad to inspect whether religious rituals and prayers are being conducted correctly. Photo: CollectedWhile the announcement temporarily rattled the market, rice vendor Debu Saha told The Wire, “Muslim farmers are predominantly involved in paddy cultivation, and we buy rice from them. Customers don’t check which religion’s symbols are printed on a rice sack. They check the price and quality. How can we survive if we don’t sell rice?”Although basic commercial dependencies eventually steadied the grain trade, economic targeting rapidly diversified into unprecedented dietary policing and localised culinary boycotts across the state.The polarisation campaign across North Bengal has become so intense that transit workers have increasingly resorted to these defensive religious markers to maintain their operations. Neeraj Roy, a bus driver on the Panitanki-Siliguri route, has placed a Tulsi plant in his vehicle. “They told us to do it, so now I am doing it. We listen to whoever is in power. As you can see, there are no female passengers on the bus. The situation is dismal. Now we are completely dependent on God,” said Roy. In Paschim Medinipur’s Ghatal and Belda areas, posters issued by the Hindu Jagran Manch explicitly warned people against the consumption of halal meat. Concurrently, in the biryani hub of Barrackpore, BJP MLA Kaustav Bagchi spearheaded an active campaign. A poster in Ghatal, Paschim Medinipur demanding ban on halal meat. Photo: CollectedSpeaking to The Wire, Bagchi claimed, “Following my campaign, people have become highly aware. They are knowingly avoiding halal meat. Vendors are being forced to sell sacrificial meat to Hindus!”This ideological policing has severely strained regional supply chains and directly impacted the broader livestock trade. Goat farmer Sukhen Biswas, operating in the Haringhata area in Nadia, said, “Demand has decreased to some extent. Out of political fear, many are shutting down this business. Goat rearing is my livelihood, so I am facing difficulties too.”The economic shock deepened ahead of Eid-al-Adha when the government strictly enforced the 1950 Animal Slaughter Control Act via Public Notice No. 631-H, forcing prominent livestock markets like Sunukpahari to fall silent under continuous police patrolling. Stunned by a strict 14-year age threshold that rendered younger, healthy cattle legally off-limits and older cattle religiously invalid, many inside the minority community observed the rituals by consuming chicken. Moinuddin Sekh from Kaliachak, Malda, said, “We followed the government rules; nowhere in our religion is it written that we must eat beef. However, the condition of the poor Hindu Scheduled Caste (SC) communities, who rear cattle and earn their livelihood by selling cows to Muslims before Qurbani, has become miserable due to this government announcement.”Beyond economic and structural displacement, localised cultural vigilantism has escalated. On June 21, Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) activists disrupted a Christian prayer service in Paschim Bardhaman’s Raniganj. Elsewhere, the Hindu Samhati Sena dismantled deity tiles in Siliguri and issued warnings in Santiniketan demanding that shop owners prominently display their names in bold lettering, while the Bajrang Dal threatened minority merchants operating under Hindu names in Jalpaiguri.This polarised atmosphere has heavily impacted interfaith relationships. In Nadia, a central government-employed interfaith couple faced a violent backlash after an invitation card for their private family gathering on June 22 in Basantapur was leaked on social media. Accused of practicing “Love Jihad,” the groom faced relentless phone threats and an attack on his residence, forcing him to seek help from the Chakdaha police station, which deployed central forces. Soon after, an angry mob of over a 100 local individuals broke into the bride’s family home 3 kms away, physically assaulting her mother and causing an eye injury to her sister, forcing them to flee for their lives.The doors to the young man’s house remained locked. Photo: Joydeep SarkarSpeaking over the phone to The Wire, the husband described their current plight, “We are still in a state of terror. We haven’t filed any complaint because how can we survive by feuding with people we know? We are just trying to save our lives.” While the father of the groom returned home after posting an online apology, the couple remains in hiding.Admitting the excess, the Viswa Hindu Parishad (VHP) Dharamacharya Prasant Sarkar evaded responsibility, “We are also receiving reports of many incidents, and these incidents are true. Many people campaign on social media on our behalf, but those campaigns are often filled with falsehoods and half-truths. We haven’t even set up an official social media propaganda system yet!”In areas like Chougacha and Shibpur in Nadia, nothing was visible along the deserted streets except for patrolling Sangh workers. Photo: Joydeep SarkarHowever, human rights organisations view the crisis as a direct consequence of institutional design. Ranjit Sur, the State Secretary of the Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (ADPR) told The Wire, “This was bound to happen. Those who are not surrendering to the ruling BJP are being fined, driven to consume poison and die, or facing harassment. Depending on the whims of the top BJP leaders, the police are highly active in some places and completely inactive in others.” As the line between state policy and street-level vigilantism blurs, West Bengal’s minority communities face a drastically altered civic and economic reality. With the new administration solidifying its control, these compounding administrative and social pressures have left a significant portion of the population navigating a deep, simmering sense of panic.Translated from the Bengali original by Aparna Bhattacharya.