Hashmi went to the National Commission for Minorities (NCM) to hand over the award conferred to her in 2008, citing “total inaction, apathy and tacit support to the violent gangs by the government” as the reason.
In Mahuadand, a town in western Jharkhand, MNREGA contractors’ crimes are seen to stem from their religion, not from their trade.
The senseless lynching of a young boy casts a pall of gloom over not just his home but his entire village.
“We hope that the government will understand our feelings and make efforts to resolve the issues of the oppressed and weaker sections of society by restoring the atmosphere of peace and trust…”
What makes the call significant is that FMSA head Jasim Mohammad was one of the first Muslim activists to welcome Modi after he won the May 2014 election.
Lynching is a modern form of tribalism, where enemies – differentiated by religion, race, caste or ideology – are bracketed for elimination.
While some reports say the victims were attacked on the pretext of carrying beef, a victim’s cousin says they were attacked by men who used communal slurs in an argument over seats.
Will Kovind as president be a champion for Dalit justice? Will he uphold the values of the constitution?
In a similar move in 2015, two truck loads of stones were brought in, but the then Samajwadi Party government banned any further import.
The cows were being taken for a national cattle breeding programme, the ‘Rashtriya Gokul Mission’, which aims to preserve indigenous cattle breeds.
In ‘Rupture, Loss and Living: Minority Women Speak about Post-Conflict Life’, K. Lalitha and Deepa Dhanraj bring out the voices of Muslim women targeted during riots.
They appeared before the court for framing of charges in light of a Supreme Court order restoring the serious offence of criminal conspiracy against them.
Paresh Rawal’s tweet against Arundhati Roy amounts to incitement of violence, which violates the oath he took as a legislator.
Two senior police officers have been suspended and 30 have been arrested in connection with the violence.
Fifteen years on, victims of the communal violence continue to face threats, stigma and state apathy, their hope for relief and justice slowly dwindling away.
Thirty years ago today, India saw its worst-ever instance of custodial killings. But institutional impunity is yet to be answered for.
The families of those killed by the police in Hashimpura in 1987 have waited 30 years for justice, but all they have been promised so far is compensation.
Muslims in the region said they have decided to move away from cattle-based occupations after seeing what happened to Khan.
Ghulam Ahmed was lynched in Bulandshahr for the ‘crime’ of assisting an inter-religious couple to elope – an allegation his son denies.
The Bombay high court upheld the life sentence of the 11 convicted in the Bilkis Bano gangrape case and set aside the acquittal of accused police officers.
“I am grateful that this verdict delivered by the Honorable Judges, has, yet again, vindicated my truth, and upheld my faith in the judiciary,” Bilkis Bano said in a statement.
BJP leaders in Saharanpur and Agra are pleased to have managed the transfer of two SSPs who booked Sangh leaders and activists for rioting.
The Sangh’s concerted campaign of anti-Muslim prejudice aims to completely marginalise the community in the public sphere.
While some families have returned after the village sarpanch promised them safety, several others still feel that their homes are still unsafe.
In light of the recent developments, The Wire brings you a timeline of events of the 1992 incident and its immediate aftermath.
The attack that killed Pehlu Khan and injured other Muslim cattle traders has left a community angry, helpless and wanting to give up the trade.
The court has ordered that the trial, to be held in Lucknow, be completed in two years.
“The charges are absolutely baseless. The people were attending a prayer meeting voluntarily. We prayed. Nothing else was done,” pastor Adam said.
While there has been no direct clash between Muslims and Hindus, large-scale destruction of property and the imposition of curfew has created a sense of disquiet.
The BJP is gradually pushing its Hindutva agenda in Assam and this could have a troubling fallout.
“How can I force anyone not to slaughter cows unless he is himself so disposed? It is not as if there were only Hindus in the Indian Union. There are Muslims, Parsis, Christians and other religious groups here.”
A minor altercation between a Muslim and Hindu boy at school in Patan leads to a mob killing two and destroying dozens of homes
We now see Indians turning upon Indians in methodically targeted ways, in some cases with guns or whatever crude weapons they can lay hands on, in some cases with black paint, in some cases with the simple device of numbers known as a mob.
Gandhi speaks to our times with renewed urgency in a just-published translation of an acclaimed work.
Though Sangh leaders justify the mass killing of Muslims in private, this is perhaps the first time someone from the RSS has openly boasted about the massacre and held it out as something “Hindu society” should take “pride” in.
What is to become of us if communal, majoritarian language continues to be used and we do not oppose it?
Displaced persons who were resettled 14 years ago still do not have access to property rights, while the areas they live in lack even basic facilities.
Ajay Verghese’s The Colonial Origins of Ethnic Violence looks at the colonial past to understand why some parts of India suffer from communal conflict while others suffer from caste conflict.
The Union minister’s latest statement on conversions is part of a long list of efforts to endear himself to the Hindu right.
Though five people have died since the blockade because they were unable to get medical help on time, authorities have done nothing, villagers allege.