The international boycott call by activists against global companies and consumer giants – from Microsoft, Dell and Siemens to McDonald’s, Starbucks, Domino’s and dozens of others – for their complicity in the genocide of Palestinians in Gaza raises an important question: are Indian corporates operating in Israel similarly complicit in the ongoing genocide in Gaza and Israel’s strikes on Iran?From providing cloud and AI services to the Israeli military, police and prisons, to donating meals to soldiers and being involved in illegal Israeli settlements, these forms of engagement are many. In this context, are companies like Reliance, Tata, Adani and Tech Mahindra fuelling the genocide in Gaza and the war in Iran? Are student and university exchange programmes between India and Israel as innocuous as they appear?Further, can Indian companies be tried under international law for their alleged complicity in human rights violations and crimes in Israel?The Wire spoke to Hajira Puthige, who has prepared a detailed report for the Centre for Financial Accountability in New Delhi, outlining the involvement of major Indian corporations in the Gaza genocide and, more recently, in the war against Iran. Excerpts from the interview follow.Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to Israel reinforces his commitment to the strategic trade partnership between the two countries. However, your detailed report shows how this trade and military nexus aids and abets Israel’s genocide in Gaza, and now its attacks on Iran.Indian investments in Israel warrant much closer attention in the wake of the ongoing genocide in Gaza. Israel’s military campaign in Gaza, widely described by international experts and human rights observers as a genocide, has resulted in mass displacement, the destruction of civilian infrastructure, and indiscriminate targeting of Palestinians.In the course of my research, I found multiple reports that have documented the use of weaponry systems and surveillance technologies produced by Indian companies by the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) in Gaza. For instance, the May 2024 blockade of a ship docking at Cartagena on its way to Israel was reported to have been carrying 27 tonnes of munitions destined for the IDF from Chennai.India has supplied Hermes-900 medium-altitude, long-endurance UAVs, manufactured by Adani-Elbit Advanced Systems India Ltd. These drones are capable of surveillance, reconnaissance, and ground-target operations and have reportedly been deployed extensively in Gaza.This relationship is not just diplomatic or commercial; it is embedded in the technological and financial infrastructure that sustains Israel’s military campaign.An Israeli army strike hits next to a tent camp after residents were given a warning to evacuate before the strike in Gaza City, Wednesday, March 11, 2026. Photo: AP/PTI.Can you list the Indian companies that are involved in providing military and surveillance technology to Israel?The report maps the involvement of several major Indian conglomerates within Israel’s military-industrial network.For instance, Adani Defence, in partnership with Elbit Systems, produces Hermes-900 drones, the same drones seen operating in Gaza’s skies. Adani’s purchase of Haifa Port also links the company to Israel’s naval infrastructure, including facilities reportedly used by its submarine fleet.Reliance has co-produced Spike anti-tank missiles with Rafael, weapons that are now integrated into Israel’s military arsenal and frequently associated with urban warfare operations.Public sector undertakings also form part of this ecosystem. Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) supplies components linked to Barak missile systems, while Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) has been involved in refitting aircraft and tanker systems linked to Israel’s defence capabilities.In fact, the Tata Group, globally known for its strong ethical standards, announced in an April 2023 press release that it was working on key digital transformation initiatives in Israel, including involvement connected to Project Nimbus through Tata Consultancy Services (TCS).Project Nimbus has faced international criticism because the cloud and AI infrastructure developed through the project could potentially be used for surveillance and data processing affecting Palestinians.This raises an important question about whether corporations can rely on contractual obligations when their products or services may materially enable violations of international law.The report also highlights how financial services eventually contribute to human rights abuses.Financial services form an often overlooked but crucial layer in sustaining this relationship.For instance, in 2016, Tech Mahindra collaborated with AtiDot, an Israeli Insurtech firm, for research and development in predictive analytics, artificial intelligence, and machine learning in life insurance.More recently, in 2025, amid the ongoing war in Gaza, Reliance Group, through Jio Financial Services, entered into a joint venture with Allianz, a German financial services company. According to the UN Special Rapporteur Albanese’s report, Allianz has been linked to financial investments associated with Israel’s settlement economy.In my opinion, the financial sector has sustained India’s corporate footprint in Israel. One of the earliest developments came in 2007, when the State Bank of India established a branch in Tel Aviv. This branch was not merely symbolic. It provided crucial infrastructure for Indian companies operating in Israel through letters of credit, trade finance, credit facilities, and settlement services.More recently, SBI has also acted as a co-lender in the acquisition of Haifa Port by Adani Defence Systems and Technologies Ltd.Taken together, these financial transactions across defence, technology, and infrastructure sectors effectively lend a degree of institutional endorsement to investments that remain deeply intertwined with Israel’s occupation-based economy. War economies do not function on weapons alone, they rely on banking systems, insurance networks, and financial guarantees that make these operations viable.How do Indian financial companies underwrite the occupation of Gaza?Insurance and risk management become particularly important in conflict zones where infrastructure and defence-related projects carry significant security risks. By cushioning these risks, insurers indirectly contribute to the viability of projects that continue despite the humanitarian devastation in the occupied Palestinian territories.Tata Consultancy Services introduced its BaNCS platform to Israeli banks, modernising digital banking operations and facilitating smoother cross-border settlements for corporate investors.In effect, this builds the digital scaffolding that keeps Indo-Israeli trade and investment channels functioning smoothly.Insurance firms also invest large sums in shares and bonds tied to companies implicated in the occupation. While these investments partly function as capital reserves for regulatory requirements, they are also intended to generate financial returns.Through their insurance coverage, companies operating in Israel and the occupied territories are protected from operational risks. In that sense, insurance policies effectively “de-risk” the environment for corporate activity, enabling operations that may contribute to human rights abuses.How do partnerships in educational institutions contribute to the illegal occupation of Gaza?Universities are often perceived as neutral spaces, but academic partnerships can also function as channels through which military technologies and strategic interests circulate.Tata Industries invested US$5 million in the Technology Innovation Momentum Fund, the tech transfer arm of Tel Aviv University, which has reportedly functioned as part of Israel’s settler-colonial infrastructure by providing recruitment pipelines for the Israeli military, collaborating with defence companies, and supporting research connected to military technologies.Indian institutions such as IIT Delhi, IIT Bombay, IIT Madras, IIT Kanpur, IIM Bangalore, Jawaharlal Nehru University and Ashoka University have signed MoUs or hosted partnerships with Israeli universities including Hebrew University, Tel Aviv University, Technion and Ben-Gurion University. Several of these Israeli institutions are deeply embedded in Israel’s military-technological ecosystem.For instance, Technion has been involved in research supporting military systems such as the D9 bulldozers, which have been used in demolition operations in Palestinian territories.Similarly, the Institute for National Security Studies at Tel Aviv University played a key role in articulating the Dahiya Doctrine, a military strategy advocating large-scale destruction of civilian infrastructure.Similarly, do investments by Indian companies in pharma and health warrant accusations of complicity in Israel’s war in Gaza?The pharmaceutical and healthcare sector reveals another layer of India’s economic engagement with Israel. Indian pharmaceutical companies have established a presence in Israel’s healthcare sector, which recorded revenues of around US$36.6 billion in 2023. For example, Sun Pharmaceutical Industries acquired Taro Pharmaceuticals in 2007, securing research infrastructure in Haifa, while companies such as Dr. Reddy’s Laboratories, Lupin, Aurobindo Pharma, and Reliance Industries have also entered partnerships or investments in Israel’s pharma and biotech sector.Investments that strengthen Israel’s medical and pharmaceutical base exist in parallel with the deliberate destruction of Palestinian health infrastructure, effectively reinforcing a system where one population’s health sector is expanded while another’s is systematically dismantled. I believe India’s pharmaceutical ventures in Israel represent more than a commercial expansion; they also underscore the moral hazards of investing in a conflict economy. By embedding themselves in Israel’s health ecosystem, Indian corporations secure profits and global reach, but risk association with a state apparatus accused of weaponising healthcare against an occupied population. The legacy of these investments will therefore be measured not just in market gains but in the historical record of how global capital enabled the violation of the Palestinian right to health. India has for over more than a decade been involved in the agri business with Israel. How does this impact human rights?India’s engagement with Israel’s agricultural sector is largely centred on water-saving technologies, precision irrigation, and protected cultivation and sustainable practices. A major milestone was the 2007 acquisition of NaanDan, an Israeli micro-irrigation company, by Jain Irrigation, giving India a direct stake in Israel’s drip irrigation systems. NaanDan Jain Irrigation reportedly provides services to illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank and Golan Heights, with products circulating freely across the occupied Palestinian lands. This places Indian investors within the very supply chains that sustain settler-colonial economies. In 2022, Jain Irrigation announced a merger with Rivulis, an irrigation management company owned by FIMI (First Israel Mezzanine Investors). FIMI is reportedly involved in the ongoing military oppression of Palestinians, providing military, surveillance and prison equipment to the Israeli government. JAIN, the Indian irrigation company, signs an agreement with Kibbutz Naan to acquire the remaining 50% of the jointly owned company NaanDanJain. Photo: www.jains.com.In addition, Mekorot, Israel’s national water company, has offered technical expertise for projects in Mumbai and Punjab. Mekorot has a water monopoly in the occupied Palestinian territory. As a result of the Israeli military campaign in Gaza, more than 85% of the water and sanitation facilities have been partially or completely destroyed, leaving Palestinians with water that does not meet the water quality standards of the World Health Organization, making them dependent on Mekorot pipelines for drinking water. Standing true to its nature, Mekorot ran its Gaza pipelines at 22% capacity, leaving areas such as Gaza City without water most of the time, actively aiding the deliberate weaponisation of water. In each case, Indian public funds and state contracts channel resources into Israeli firms. This raises a critical question of whether agricultural cooperation meant to promote sustainability is instead becoming entangled in systems that sustain occupation and control over basic human rights. Why do the work permits given to Indian labourers in Israel become a problem in helping the war in Gaza? Last month, PM Modi signed yet another agreement to allow additional labour to Israel.In May 2023, India and Israel signed an agreement to send around 42,000 Indian construction and nursing workers to Israel.However, after Israel revoked permits for tens of thousands of Palestinian workers following the escalation of the war, Israel began actively recruiting Indian workers to fill this labour gap.From my perspective, this shift effectively replaces a workforce that had historically been central to the Palestinian economy. In doing so, it risks reinforcing the displacement and economic marginalisation of Palestinians while sustaining Israel’s domestic economic infrastructure during the war.You have also highlighted how university and student exchange programmes are not necessarily as innocuous as they appear.Yes, educational collaborations function not only as academic exchanges but also as channels of ideological influence and soft power. What may appear to be harmless knowledge exchange can sometimes serve to normalise Zionist narratives while marginalising critical discussions about Israeli settler colonialism and apartheid within Indian academic spaces.The establishment of the Jindal Centre for Israel Studies (JCIS) in 2012 at O.P. Jindal Global University marked a landmark moment in this regard. Created with support from the Jindal Group, it became the first dedicated Israel Studies centre in India. Its existence reflects more than academic curiosity. It also shows how knowledge production, political priorities, and corporate interests can intersect in shaping discourse.Additionally, Israeli government agencies offer scholarships and fellowships to Indian students. The Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Israel Council for Higher Education regularly offer short-term courses, fellowships, and research exchange grants to Indian nationals.So while these programmes are often framed as purely academic cooperation, I believe it is important to critically examine how they may also shape narratives and research ecosystems in ways that indirectly reinforce Israel’s occupation-based structures.Under what international law or treaty can corporates be accountable for violations and crimes? After all, they can claim they were merely fulfilling commercial contracts?As highlighted in Francesca Albanese’s report, the foundations of corporate accountability go back to the post-Holocaust industrialist trials, particularly the I.G. Farben trial, where corporate executives were prosecuted for enabling Nazi war crimes. These trials helped establish that corporate actors cannot evade responsibility simply by claiming they were conducting business.Similarly, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa examined corporate complicity in apartheid, which further shaped global discussions around corporate responsibility for human rights violations. What we are seeing today is an increasing domestic and international litigation that reflects a growing trend toward corporate accountability.From a legal standpoint, Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention (1949) prohibits the transfer of an occupying power’s civilian population into occupied territory and the establishment of settlements.The UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (2011) also outline the responsibility of corporations to conduct human rights due diligence, ensuring that their investments do not contribute to unlawful practices.In addition, the 2020 UN Database on Business Enterprises Involved in Israeli Settlements identifies companies whose activities directly sustain Israel’s settlement economy.International law increasingly recognises that economic actors are not neutral observers; they can become participants when their activities materially sustain unlawful systems. So ultimately, corporations cannot simply shield themselves behind commercial contracts. Where their operations knowingly enable or sustain unlawful practices, the question becomes one of complicity in international crimes rather than ordinary business activity.