India-China relations require a fundamental reset and a new scholarly book provides a useful, if indirect, contribution to how we think about the relationship.
The changing security environment in South Asia and elsewhere may have brought on new problems but it has given us new tools and abilities to deal with them.
The rise of centralising authoritarians has accentuated the fragmentation and regionalisation of world politics, diminished the capacity for compromise and made relations between competitive powers much more fraught than in the past.
The initiative’s success ultimately depends on what regional players get from it in terms of economic, political and security benefits.
Much of what we have seen in the strengthened China-Pakistan alignment in the last decade is a reaction to the rise of India.
While the leaders have been careful in public, the terms in which foreign and security policy are discussed in China, India (and Japan) have become much more shrill.
In the second of a three-part article, India’s former National Security Adviser looks at the implications of a China that will be increasingly assertive in the Asia-Pacific.
In the first of a three-part article, India’s former National Security Adviser looks at the reality of China’s rise and what it means for the world and India
Instead, she will be a great power through building her own strength and capabilities and continuing to show wisdom and good sense in her choice of engagements abroad.
The changing situation in West Asia and the Gulf and our increasing capabilities make it advisable that we adopt a much more active forward policy in the region.
The lifting of economic sanctions against Tehran will be useful in our energy quest and the pursuit of connectivity to Central Asia
The seeds planted during Partition have borne deadly fruit for decades, and show no signs of dying out. Hajari’s account of the seminal period from 1946 to 1948 is redolent with resonances when read today.
The last time we saw such an extensive shift in the global situation was probably between 1989 and 1992, when the Narasimha Rao government came to power and India adjusted her policies considerably.
India’s former National Security Adviser gives Prime Minister Modi 8/10 for effort, 5/10 for execution but only 2/10 for conception on the diplomatic front.
We are at a moment when events could go in either direction — towards a set of major power accommodations or towards conflict. The choices that the US, China, India and other powers make in the next few years will be critical.
The consequences of the rise of China and the return of Asia will be India’s major geopolitical challenge in the foreseeable future, and not a threat because it contains both opportunities and risks for India’s transformation.
There’s plenty of scope for cooperation but both sides must guard against talking themselves into a classic security dilemma.