The Trump administration’s retreat from the world has enlarged China’s strategic opportunity.
He is a Distinguished Fellow, Observer Research Foundation.
Trump is the proverbial black swan which was not anticipated – a low probability, high-impact presence which is disrupting American politics, its alliance systems and its governance structures.
India, in the new report, falls squarely in the “opportunity” category, rather than in that of “threats” or even “competition” for the US.
Bandwagoning with the US cannot be a substitute for a working foreign policy in our own region and near abroad.
The US has a polarised polity, with intense divisions that affect communities and families. Trump’s rise symbolises these toxic trends, but he is only the manifestation of the disease, not its cause.
Like it or not, the term ‘Indo-Pacific’ seems to be a means of including India in the military calculations of US strategy in the Pacific.
The movement for “azadi” – which Chidambaram rightly said was more about restoring autonomy than independence – is driven by the fact that many in Jammu and Kashmir feel their political space is being constrained by New Delhi.
The Congress ended with the insertion of the ‘Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese characteristics for a New Era’ into the Party constitution, confirming Xi as the most powerful Chinese leader since Deng Xiaoping.
Many previous interlocutors failed because they had neither a clear-cut mandate, nor the authority to deliver anything to anyone.
Considering his predecessors’ political ideas were merely mentioned as “theories” and that, too, without their name, this is a major signal of Xi’s authority over the party and China.
In the last five years, Xi has established unprecedented control over the party and the government. But this also means his mistakes and missteps have been magnified.
India’s relationships with Bangladesh, Myanmar and China hang in the balance.
Xi Jinping has a keen understanding of the importance of reform. This is likely to serve him well.
The outcome of the months-long stand-off at Doklam is likely thanks to India’s enormous tactical advantage in the region.
The Indian army’s higher leadership must reflect on its role as the sword arm of the republic, and have a clear vision of itself as the upholder of law.
The time has come for India and China to explore new institutional mechanisms for resolving their boundary dispute.
M. Jagadesh Kumar will do greater service to JNU if he creates a new department for the study of war and peace rather than promoting jingoism.
While India has been assertive in protecting interests it considers vital to its security posture in the region, New Delhi remain cagey when it comes to drawing lines on a map.
Modi’s remarks aimed to put across an India that was ready to synchronise itself with the Trump administration’s goals, but the US president made it clear he wanted India to commit to “free and fair trade”.
India’s membership of the SCO is a manifestation of the reality that India’s interests are as much in the Indian Ocean as the Eurasian landmass.
Tomorrow, the use of human shields could become standard operating procedure. Instead of the difficult process of flushing out militants by armed assault, the army could line up civilians and use them to breach a position.
Given the quantity of investments, China can’t afford to have the OBOR initiative fail. Sceptics like India can use that to persuade China to make modifications.
China wants to move its manufacturing up the value chain to become a producer and exporter of high-value goods, for which Europe can be the best market.
If only some way could be found to target the BATs specifically, then some kind of a deterrent pressure could be built. As of now, the poor jawans who get killed are merely collateral damage.
Two of the six spots renamed could be of significance, but the other four are simply points on a map. Is there a method behind this that we cannot discern at the moment?
The state’s monopoly of violence is accepted only if it follows the rule of law; if it doesn’t, it justifies the breaking of its monopoly by individuals, mobs and insurgents.
There are many obstacles for the US-China summit, such that the American side is simply not ready for a substantive negotiation. But there are also many areas of discussion, including North Korea, the One-China policy and trade.
The National Security Council Secretariat, headed by top spy Ajit Doval, may have received a staggering 311% increase in funds this year to tackle issues at the intersection of cybersecurity and nuclear weapon delivery systems.
A former top Chinese negotiator’s statements on a trade-off between Tawang and Aksai Chin could mean a variety of things.
General Bipin Rawat may be right to warn those who try to obstruct anti-militancy operations, but labelling separatism and militancy with terrorism is not the solution.
At the root of India’s problems, the authors of ‘Dragon on Our Doorstep’ write, is the erroneous belief that a large and well equipped military alone can win wars.
China could take on the US’s attack to try and emerge as a “full fledged super power”.
Casting itself as a humane authority has meant accepting some constraints on its behaviour but, backed with the power of the American military and economic system, the strategy has been a winning one for the US until now.
The paper discusses issues like the Korean nuclear crisis and the South China Sea dispute, as well as ties with the US and India. But it is important to read between the lines to understand the Chinese perspective.
While leadership structure in the army ensures that the jawan gets his due, the same cannot be said for the armed police.
Hardeep Singh Puri’s book highlights the interconnected world where mistrust, violence and injustice are increasing while international covenants fray, and stresses the need for a collective legal framework to deal with them.
One of the government’s biggest failures has been its handling of Kashmir, singularly blaming Pakistan for everything that went wrong without understanding the nature of civil violence in the state.
A hard look at our politics and society suggests it may be a good idea to go by seniority alone till we become more complete ‘Indians’ and our approach to governance is more professional.
The composition of various ‘landing teams’ is perhaps the best indicator of the important sub-cabinet appointments that will be made.
While the demise of the TPP may not be bad for India, the country’s investments in Iran could be in trouble if Donald Trump decides to upend the Iran nuclear agreement.