The party feels the first phase of voting did not go well and is looking to its rhetoric on Pakistan for a decisive edge in the second.
The 24-year-old Patidar quota stir leader asked people in Surat to not vote for the BJP, but for ‘a party that will be in a position to form a government’.
While BJP leaders are going all out to arrest the erosion of Patidar support in the state, they are unlikely to sway those members of the community who have resolved to desert the saffron party.
With a likely erosion of BJP votes due to anti-incumbency effect and a fraction of Patel vote going to the Congress, both parties appear to be neck and neck at the current stage.
The note ban followed soon after by the new tax regime have hit the predominantly mercantile state hard, but the urban voters still cannot see themselves siding with the opposition.
While the global investor’s summit has helped to catapult Modi to the top job in India, it has done precious little to create jobs in his home state.
In Gujarat, there is a general apathy of the ruling party towards Muslims, matched only by the apathy of the common Muslim towards the electoral process.
The Patels and the saffron party have been inseparable partners since the fall of Madhavsinh Solanki government, but the community now feels sidelined.
The BJP camp is nervous and a number of factors seem to be working against it – but will this be enough to tilt the balance?
The ambitious Modi-Shah duo are keen to break Congress chief minister Madhav Sinh Solanki’s record 149 seats out of 182 in the 1985 elections – a mark they could not cross even when Modi was chief minister of Gujarat.
Not even the chief minister’s harshest critics would have imagined that the leader who built his political career through agitations would virtually ban dissent.
The newly introduced 12% reservation for Muslims in Telangana could help the BJP make political inroads into the state.
Telegu Desam Party leaders predict that within a year, Naidu’s son will be made party president and will be pitched as a youthful face for the 2019 general elections.
Like the Nizam’s rule in Hyderabad under the British Raj, K. Chandrasekhar Rao is trying to woo the BJP in hopes that he will be able to lord it over Telangana as long as he promises suzerainty.
Far from being a historical practice, vegetarianism in Gujarat is actually a state-sponsored value system that only became institutionalised under the BJP.
For the RSS, Adityanath’s elevation sends a subtle signal that no one is above the organisation and nobody is indispensable.
While editors, under law, continue to be responsible for whatever appears in the periodical they edit, more and more of the content is being removed from their purview.
To tackle black money that originates in the process of electing MPs and MLAs, the legal provision that freezes the number of Lok Sabha and state assembly states must be revisited.
As the battle between Cyrus Mistry and Ratan Tata escalates, it will be interesting to see which way other Tata family members will go.
The status of Muslims in the city has improved, but politically they are still irrelevant, and although high rise buildings with American names have sprouted throughout, its ghettos still continue to exist.
Beyond his well-known love for the city, Naidu needs to deliver an important political message to those inhabitants of Hyderabad whose origins lie in Andhra Pradesh – ‘I am around to take care of you, don’t be worried’.
Dividing Telangana into 27 districts will be the easy part compared to the challenge of finding enough IAS and IPS officers, and judges and courts to man the new districts.
K. Chandrasekhar Rao likely feels that an English newspaper will be able to project his party’s programmes in a positive light and its news items will resonant with national audience.