There is little room for soft power in Trump’s foreign policy; diplomacy has been side-lined in favour of military solutions.
He is professor of international politics at City, University of London, and a columnist for The Wire. His twitter handle is @USEmpire.
2016 was a revolutionary year in American politics, and the political elite has been trying to wipe it from its own and popular memory.
Donald Trump’s recent moves on Iran signals the start of a more assertive phase of US power.
US President Donald Trump renders more clearly visible American elite power’s true self, engaged in a Darwinian struggle for mastery.
Amidst the doom and gloom of Trumpism, Americans are discovering the politics of mass mobilisation to wage the battles thrust upon them.
Has Donald Trump actually done anything to destroy the liberal order he criticised as a candidate, or has he simply tinkered with its margins?
With the loss of their parliamentary majority, even as Jeremy Corbyn performed incredibly, the Tories must now rely on a deal with the far-right Democratic Unionist Party for survival.
The Russian connection appears to be a red herring serving the Democratic and Republican parties’ purposes of disciplining the White House and providing pseudo-dramas for the news-hungry media.
As Donald Trump courts one controversy after another, the US political establishment has developed an uneasy relationship with the president – they can neither approve of him nor renounce him.
James Comey’s firing is a timely reminder that Donald Trump is unpredictable, difficult to read and dismissive of the norms associated with his office.
Men of violence are in command in the US and now call the shots in the world’s major ‘trouble spots,’ with diplomacy slowly slipping out of sight.
As Donald Trump tackles troubles at home, US interventionism is taking over policymaking. The president is now fully embraced by the national security and foreign policy establishment.
Trump has let down those expecting reduced US interventionism in the world and is rewarding those he campaigned against as ‘friends of Hillary Clinton’ at the cost of the people who voted for him.
While the US president’s words encourage outrage on certain fronts, we are failing to see the pro-big-business, anti-welfare decisions he has been making.
In his hands, Donald Trump claims, the US will be like him – a winner. And if anything doesn’t go according to plan, it’s someone else’s fault.
The past year has stood for the exposure of the fundamental contours of a capitalist democracy that relies on state-welfare for big corporations.
Trump’s recent choices show he’s abandoning the anti-establishment rhetoric that won him the election in favour of the GOP’s traditional policies.
The moral and political decay within both the Democrat and Republican establishments is symptomatic of the crumbling US-led, post-1945 world order.
Hillary Clinton promised more of the same to a nation that, after eight years of the Obama’s presidency, was more unequal and seething with discontent on Left and Right. The last thing it wanted was someone attached to the centre-ground.
No matter who wins on November 8, American society is unravelling and the domestic political order is falling apart.
Donald Trump has fused economic worries, racial and gender resentment into a politics of fear and revenge, a tactic that is not new to the Republican Party.
He is setting the stage for the next stage – a declaration of a rigged, stolen election that illegally deprives him of victory on November 8.
For many on the right, this is no ordinary election but the showdown over who owns and runs the US.
The election of the first black president in 2008 and now perhaps a woman is a signal to those who are deeply conservative, opposed the rights revolution and have chipped away at its gains. But the level of vitriol is so high that Donald Trump is able to sustain support despite everything.
While Trump is being supported by some of the most bigoted sections of American society, a large section of neoconservatives are supporting Clinton for her more aggressive and decisive approach to foreign policy.
Though much of the promises of the Sanders insurgency have become embedded in the Democratic party, it remains to be seen if the movement can lead to any significant political change in the US.
The anti-elite sentiments of both Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders’ supporters may upend the Pareto principle, but can they succeed?
The Clintons have assembled a globally influential humanitarian behemoth. But is it just a colossal liability?
Just as in an earlier era, McCarthy’s criticism of the US army was a major factor in his downfall, the Republican presidential nominee’s feud with the Muslim parents of a fallen US Army soldier could herald the end of his campaign.
As large sections of the population reel under the pressures of falling incomes and rising inequality, the political class has gone back to business as usual, reflecting why the country is in a political crisis – one that is likely to hurt Clinton far more than Trump, come November.
Clinton has chosen to defy the millions who voted for Sanders and taken the strategy of winning the centre ground, gambling on anti-Trump feeling to draw Sanders supporters into her camp – as they have nowhere else to go – by November.
Global and domestic demographic factors may condemn Trumpism to a slow death, but it could still exert real influence as the passion, alienation, inequality and revenge that fuels it is unlikely to be fully extinguished.
What the Chilcot report got wrong was to declare the Iraq war as exceptional and place blame only on one man. Both Iraq and Blair are part of a historical pattern within an imperial world view.
Divide and rule did not only (try to) hold together an empire on which the sun never set – it remains the basis of national politics in Britain’s class divided society
The primaries represent nothing short of a revolution in American politics, a shaking up of the post-war liberal order.
A defence of the status quo that focuses too much on Trump and Sanders (and Brexit) as threats, rather than as pointing the way to a new order, is a road to nowhere but the rise of the radical Right and the forces of backward-looking nationalism and chauvinism.
The Republican and Democratic party establishments, and their corporate-media allies, are trying to maintain the status quo and channel change to strengthen the structure of power.
In the WASP, male-dominated establishment spread across both parties and based on corporate wealth and mental universes constructed by elite universities, foundations and think tanks, participatory democracy appears as disorder and chaos.
The current crisis in the US Right and the insurgency from the Left are shattering the consensus forged over decades and centred on the might of the market. A major political realignment may be in the offing.
The rise of Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders reflects the political economy of neoliberalism in crisis: when the ‘free market’ fails to correct itself, politics has to do the adjusting.