Beyond sedition, the Indian captain is guilty of a much more indefensible crime: weakening the nation’s resolve to demonise Pakistan and dehumanise Pakistanis.
“Your chelas may be good at counting votes and notes, but I cannot bring myself to keep quiet in the face of the creeping institutionalised shoddiness in India’s political life and public space.”
The media has been seduced to redefine its role: run the Opposition out of town. No other government since Independence has had the media so eagerly eating out of its hand, not even during the infamous Emergency.
It is unlikely that President Pranab Mukherjee will find himself elected for a second term because he has not endeared himself sufficiently to the ruling establishment.
While Trump has put in place a new culture of disruptive disagreement, institutional constraints and a vigorous media have combined to subject him to the rites of scrutiny and accountability.
The Election Commission is obligated to assure the polity that it does not feel itself intimidated by the authority of the day.
For the first time, the Nehruvian order is facing an existential challenge. It can be met – as it must be – but only by a morally superior politics.
At the moment of his resounding success, Modi has also deepened a fault-line for the Indian state.
The ruling dispensation knows that things have not worked out during its tenure, so they are returning to what they know best – injecting fear into political life.
In a changing India, we seem ready to demand that political arrangements justify themselves in terms larger and nobler than just a will of the ‘leader’ or the ‘demand of the cadres’ or the ‘internal affairs’ of a party.
Whatever be the electoral outcome, one thing appears certain: minorities are not going to turn their back on the idea of a secular India.
Institutional feebleness and political imperfections have given the prime minister the upper hand.
Invoking people’s power as a force higher than state power, as the prime minister appears to be doing, is highly dangerous.
Are we heading towards an authoritarianism that curbs our freedom to spend our own money?
After the Obama years, Americans were itching to go back to their roots
Legitimacy, political respectability and electoral advantage are being sought to be derived from the soldier and his martyrdom, while unthinkingly, new space, new respect and new autonomy are being ceded to the army brass and other security forces.
Beyond the personalities and the calculations at work in the NDTV-Chidambaram censorship affair, what we should indeed be mourning is the sudden death of liberalism.
Every “deshbhakt” has a long wish list as to how the prime minister should be doling out maximum pain to Pakistan. Will he be able to escape this trap?
Modi and his band of cheerleaders are discovering now that there is no magic wand.
The separatists were not born separatist. What drove very many Kashmiris over to the other side were our policies, postures and pretensions, and “our” politicians and their arrogance and aberrations.
While all the powerful businessmen and politicians have escaped the CBI dragnet, a man like H.C. Gupta – whom everyone unhesitatingly certifies to be “the most honest officer” of his generation – has to go through the ordeal of a trial.
Rural and semi-urban Gujarat remains a site of extensive and elaborate social discrimination. The only thing new about the Una violence is that it became available on social media and provoked a national hue and cry.
Perhaps Jaitley was not over-pitching when he argued that “the whole concept of the GST Council is Indian federalism at play in the best possible mode”.
Those who claim to be knowledgeable have breathlessly informed us that Priyanka Gandhi is about to venture beyond “Amethi and Rae Bareli.” The buzz is that she will be the face of the Congress campaign in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly poll next year. We are assured on good […]
Surely the voice of true nationalism deserves to be heard in the real corridors of power and not on Twitter
If India is indeed Modi land, then surely West Bengal, Tamil Nadu and Kerala remain in a defiantly secessionist mood, happy to receive whatever tattered blessings their regional leaders have to bestow.
The BJP president and finance minister were stampeded into holding a press conference on the PM’s academic qualifications. Both came out looking unconvincing and diminished. But such is the allure of confrontation that sobriety and reasonableness become dispensable qualities. This is the Swamy effect.
The country expects a president to behave with a little more gumption than Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed could summon back in 1975.
At one time the BJP’s ideologues called Ambedkar a “false god”, now they are keen to appropriate him
Both his predecessors understood that a strategy of cultivated animosity towards Pakistan produces neither peace nor social harmony at home. It seems Modi has also reached a similar conclusion.
The godman has become an accomplice in the million injustices that scar this land every day. In turn, the politician finds ways to ensure the baba’s revenue model enjoys state protection and patronage.
The manner in which the RSS poster boy in Haryana faltered in the face of the recent Jat agitation tells us a lot about the qualities of a swayamsewak.
The judiciary has been called upon to step in. It must be hoped that those who man the bench have come a long way from the time when the court felt that a death sentence was needed to ease the national conscience.
Contrary to rumours that Narendra Modi has matured as prime minister, he has not surrendered his licence to be confrontationist.
Ujjwal Nikam understood the importance of moulding, manipulating and manufacturing public opinion by pandering to the majority’s prejudices.
Unfortunately, Parliament will never get to discuss how six armed terrorists could enter the Pathankot Air Force base in the first place.
A few days ago, when the new chief justice of India took office, he sought to assure citizens that the judiciary was vigilant and competent enough to safeguard constitutional values and republican virtues. The National Herald case will now test that assurance.
The Prime Minister can do no better than to follow the advice of Barack Obama and Jawaharlal Nehru
The prolonged Bihar spectacle has defrocked this self-promoted messiah of techno-nationalism, a man who can effortlessly woo the CEOs and other technocrats in the Silicon Valley and still practise pre-Partition politics.
If there is any contemporary lesson in the dispute between Nehru and Patel, it is that it is against the democratic grain to allow any one single individual to exercise unlimited power.